EXCLUSIVE: Fulani Leaders fault fact-finding as Report uncovers two decades of unprovoked attacks on Fulani settlements across Plateau

By: Zagazola Makama

The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) has faulted the Plateau State High-Powered Fact-Finding Committee on Insecurity, accusing it of bias and deliberate exclusion of Fulani victims in its report covering attacks, killings, and destruction in Plateau communities from 2001 to 2025.

The association, in a statement issued on behalf of Fulani herding communities in the state, said the report as presented in some national dailies “grossly failed to capture the true dynamics and atrocities committed against Fulani herders.”

According to MACBAN, while the committee was expected to provide an objective and comprehensive appraisal of the long-running crisis in Plateau, its reported findings instead portrayed the Fulani as the principal aggressors a claim the association described as “a grave misrepresentation of facts.”

“The unfortunate cycle of violence in Plateau State is one of Nigeria’s most enduring ethno-religious and communal crises. Any genuine attempt at reconciliation must be anchored on fairness and truth,” the association said.

“The Fulani, as one of the indigenous and peace-loving communities in Plateau, have often been cast solely as aggressors in a deeply complex conflict in which they have also been victims of killings, displacement, and destruction,” it added.

MACBAN cited media publications on Sept. 19, 2025, which claimed that the committee’s report recorded 11,749 deaths and 420 communities attacked within 24 years, allegedly by Fulani militias and herders from neighbouring states.

It described such claims as one-sided and potentially dangerous, alleging that they could “blackmail Fulani communities and make them vulnerable to ill-treatment, intimidation, and further attacks.”

Although the committee’s chairman, Maj.-Gen. Rogers Ibe Nicholas (rtd), later clarified that all ethnic groups were involved in the Plateau crisis, MACBAN expressed shock that the Plateau State Government’s Director of Press and Public Affairs, Mr. Gyang Bere, issued a statement on Sept. 16, linking Fulani herders to the attacks.

“The question is: who killed the Fulani people and destroyed their communities? Who are the perpetrators of the violence and displacement we have suffered? These are questions that remain unanswered,” the statement said.

The association maintained that the Fulani had consistently reported incidents of killings, cattle rustling, arson, and forced displacement to security agencies, including the Plateau State Police Command, the Department of State Services, and Operation Safe Haven, yet little action had been taken.

It further described as “unfounded lies” the claim that Fulani herders were solely responsible for the state’s violence, saying it was a “fabrication intended to achieve political objectives and demonise one community.”

MACBAN called on the Federal Government, security agencies, civil society organisations, and the international community to reject and condemn the report, insisting that it was “baseless, lopsided, and capable of derailing ongoing peace efforts.”

The association also faulted the report for ignoring “well-documented and verified security records” of atrocities committed against Fulani herders, including mass killings, cattle rustling, and destruction of settlements across Mangu, Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, Riyom, and Bassa local government areas between 2011 and 2025.

A comprehensive documentation of attacks on Fulani communities across Plateau State between 2001 and 2025 has revealed a consistent pattern of killings, destruction of settlements, and mass displacement allegedly perpetrated by armed militias operating in several local government areas.

The findings by Zagazola Makama compiled from community records, eyewitness accounts, and verified security correspondences, indicate that hundreds of Fulani men, women, and children have been killed in unprovoked assaults spanning Mangu, Bokkos, Bassa, Barkin Ladi, and Riyom LGAs. While official figures remain unconfirmed by state authorities, the victims’ names and dates of attacks provide a chilling record of prolonged violence that has gone largely unaddressed.

In Mangu Local Government Area between 2023 – 2025 about 263 persons were killed

In May 2023 at Murish District; Mallam Bello Ibrahim, Aisha Adamu, Halima Musa, Musa Danladi, Shehu Umar, Ali Haruna, and two unidentified children were killed when armed men attacked their settlement at night. July 2023 at Kombun and Pushit axis: Alhaji Haruna Ali, Saidu Bello, Hassana Umar, Adamu Dogo, Maryam Isa, and 10 others were killed in simultaneous attacks that razed several Fulani hamlets. In Feb. 2024 at Ampang West; 15 persons, including Umar Danjuma and Rakiya Bello, were killed in coordinated raids that also claimed over 800 cattle. In May 2024 at Jwak and In Kerang district, over 36 women and children were reportedly burnt inside their huts, while more than 2,000 cows were rustled or slaughtered. Oct. 2025 Along Mangu–NYSC Camp Road: Two Fulani women and a teenage boy were stopped on the road and executed by suspected militias. Their identities were given as Zainabu Sule, Hajara Musa, and Abdulrahman Adamu. In total, over 35 Fulani settlements have been destroyed, displacing more than 4,000 families from Mangu and adjoining areas with over 260 Fulani persons reportedly killed in coordinated night assaults between 2023 and 2025. The victims include women, children, and elderly herders who were attacked in their homes and on transit routes. Settlements such as Murish, Jwak, Bwai, Kombun, Ampang West, and Pushit were among the worst hit.
Notable victims recorded include Mallam Bello Ibrahim, Aisha Adamu, Musa Danladi, and Halima Musa, who were killed when armed groups stormed their hamlet in May 2023. The communities have been deserted, with thousands of displaced persons now scattered across Bauchi, Gombe, and Nasarawa States.

In Bokkos Local Government Area betwwen. 2019 – 2025 (approx. 78 killed)

In Jan. 2019 in Kwatas community: Alhaji Sule Dan Malam, Umaru Musa, Hauwa Haruna, and seven others were killed when attackers invaded the settlement during morning prayers. Similarly in July 2023 at Mangor District: 12 Fulani herders, including Musa Adamu, Rabi Bala, Isah Garba, and Sani Ibrahim, were ambushed and killed along the grazing route between Maiyanga and Ropp. While in Feb. 2024 at Rim village: Eight persons were killed and dozens of livestock rustled in another attack that forced residents of Daffo and Kambang to flee. May 2025 in Bokkos Central: 13 victims including Abdullahi Umar, Bashir Suleiman, and Hajara Mohammed were confirmed dead after renewed violence in the town’s outskirts. Another wave of violence left 13 Fulani persons dead, including Alhaji Sule Dan Malam, Umaru Musa, and Hauwa Haruna, whose bodies were recovered near Rim and Ropp villages in February 2024.

Eyewitnesses said several herders were ambushed while returning from grazing fields, with their livestock either rustled or shot at close range. In Kwatas and Maiyanga, at least 12 herders were killed in July 2023, prompting mass displacement of entire families. Security reports also confirmed the destruction of huts, food barns, and farmlands belonging to Fulani communities in Mangor, Kambang, and Daffo districts, forcing many survivors to relocate to Wase and Kanam LGAs. Community elders report that most displaced families from Bokkos now reside in temporary settlements in Wase, Kanam, and Bauchi States.

The pattern of killings has also spread to Bassa LGA, where Fulani herders were attacked near Nkie Dong, Maiyanga, and Miango districts, with more than 120 killed between 2017 – 2025
In Sept. 2017 – Nkyie Dong village: 20 Fulani residents including Mallam Yakubu Haruna and two of his sons were killed in an overnight assault. In June 2021, Maiyanga: Abubakar Sule, Yakubu Haruna, Aliyu Ibrahim, and Fatima Umar were ambushed while returning from Miango market. Similarly in Sept. 2024 – Ancha–Miango road: Abubakar Sule, Yakubu Haruna, and two teenage boys were executed after being stopped at a makeshift roadblock by suspected militias. In Feb. 2025 – Zanwra community: Nine women and six children were killed when their settlement was torched at dawn. Residents say more than 40 Fulani hamlets in Bassa have been destroyed since 2017, leaving hundreds of people displaced and without access to grazing lands.

In Riyom and Barkin Ladi, longstanding tensions have resulted in waves of killings resulting in the death of 94 Fulani and arson targeting Fulani hamlets. In Aug. 2015 at Shonong District: Malam Umar Gidado, Zainab Musa, and Aliyu Bello were among 15 Fulani persons killed in an early morning raid. In Mar. 2020 – Attakar–Rim axis: 14 persons were confirmed dead after gunmen opened fire on a convoy of herders relocating with their livestock.
Dozens of pastoral families were displaced from Shonong, Attakar, and Rim communities following repeated raids that left scores dead.
Victims identified from these areas include Malam Umar Gidado, Zainab Musa, and Aliyu Bello, who were reportedly killed in January 2023 when gunmen invaded their camp at night.
Jan. 2023 – Jol community: 11 Fulani youths were killed in a night attack that also led to loss of 300 cattle. Apr. 2025 – Tanjol area: Eight family members of Mallam Ibrahim Umar were killed in another ambush near the Kuru Station corridor. Fulani residents of Jol, Kuru Station, and Tanjol reported sustained harassment and cattle rustling incidents allegedly carried out by armed militias in the hills. They lamented that while attacks against other communities often receive immediate public outrage, the killings of Fulani herders go unreported and unpunished.

Barkin Ladi Local Government Area 2012 – 2025 (over 110 killed)

In June 2012 at Foron District: 23 Fulani herders, including women and children, were attacked and killed in reprisal raids following a dispute over farmland. Dec. 2020 – Ropp village: 10 Fulani men were shot dead while returning from a local market. May 2023 – Gashish District: Mallam Yusuf Haruna, Hassana Bello, Abdullahi Saleh, and five others were killed in a dawn attack on their settlement. Jan. 2025 – Ex-Ancha Road: 13 persons were confirmed dead in what witnesses described as “unprovoked gunfire” by unidentified armed men. In September 2024, a group of herders travelling along the Ancha–Miango road were stopped by armed men and executed. Among those killed were Abubakar Sule, Yakubu Haruna, and two teenage boys, whose remains were later recovered by community volunteers.

The violence, which intensified in 2025, has forced entire Fulani settlements to flee from ancestral grazing routes in Mangu, Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, Riyom, and Bassa Local Government Areas.

The latest was on Oct. 8, 2025, when another attack was recorded along Mangu Road near the NYSC camp, where two Fulani women and a young boy were reportedly stopped by gunmen and shot dead on the spot. Witnesses attributed the assault to suspected Berom militias operating unchecked in the area.

Community leaders told Zagazola Makama that the silence of authorities especially the state government and selective outrage in public discourse have contributed to worsening distrust and the cycle of reprisal attacks.

They called on the international communities who are now anchoring the genocide against Christians, federal and state governments to establish a judicial panel of inquiry to ensure justice for all victims, irrespective of ethnicity or religion.

“Hundreds of our people, including women and children, have been killed in unprovoked attacks. Many of our communities have been burnt down, yet these incidents were not captured in the committee’s findings,” the statement said.
The group reiterated its commitment to peace and dialogue but warned that peace could only be sustained through justice, fairness, and recognition of all victims irrespective of ethnicity or religion.

The affected communities have also appealed to the federal government, security agencies, and humanitarian partners to ensure the perpetrators are identified and prosecuted, while displaced families are resettled. They also urged journalists and civil society organisations to report the crisis objectively and ensure that the suffering of Fulani victims receives equal attention in national discourse.

“The Plateau conflict has lasted for more than two decades. True peace will come only when justice is done to every group, including the Fulani,” a displaced herder from Mangu said.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analysts in the Lake Chad Region
End

Interview:  NHRC paid over N480 million to 120 people for rights infringements after the SARS investigative panel saga, – Hilary Ogbonna.

In this interview, Hilary Ogbonna, a senior human rights adviser to the executive secretary of the National Human Rights Commission, speaks after a recent stakeholders consultative forum on the tripartite partnership to support national human rights institutions, Bodunrin Kayode sent an excerpt:

Q: Who are the three parties in the tripartite agreement you mentioned earlier during the stakeholder forum, and how long will it last?

A: It’s a partnership to support human rights institutions. It is also a partnership started by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the Global Alliance for National Human Rights Institutions. And this is supported by the Norwegians, who are big supporters of the partnership. The three of them came together with their respective mandates. Undp is the front-runner organization for the UN in terms of development, cooperation, rule of law, and governance. The office of the high commissioner for human rights is the gatekeeper for global human rights, and the global alliance for national human rights institutions is the coalition and secretariat of all national human rights commissions across the world, over a hundred of them. So the three of them came together to decide to support the national human rights institutions to be able to achieve their mandates of promoting and protecting human rights and ensuring that they work with stakeholders in civil societies across the world. They pick and choose which national human rights commission they will support at any given time, and this is Nigeria. So they decided to support us from January 2024 to December 2024. By January 2025, they will decide whether to continue and how. So what are they supporting? The main support they provide is the capacity of national human rights institutions to enable them to achieve their mandates for human rights monitoring and reporting, sourcing data for human rights, and supporting national organizations to establish frameworks for business and human rights. Training and capacity building for human rights commissions and for their subnational-level offices. Since we have an office in Borno, the reason we are here is to use this week to build the capacity of our staff so that they are able to support the people of this state. So under the TPP, we are also doing a lot around promoting women’s rights, gender equality, and human rights education. So for all of this, we are going to support the Borno State Office of the NHRC, and it will be done throughout the year. The overall goal is to ensure that human rights commissions are effective in implementing their mandates, which is why we came here. 

Q: Speak on the final document you intend to propound as a roadmap for a business and human rights framework to hand over to the Federal Government, the planned pillars inside, etc. How would you put it? 

I can tell you that we have already set up that standard. We have all the necessary documents. The only person without the document as I speak to you is the Borno State Government. At the federal level, we have these two documents, one of which is the national action plan on the protection of human rights. That is a human rights obligation of Nigeria under the Vienna Declaration. President Buhari approved this in April 2023. So instead of presenting another action plan on business and human rights to them, we included it as a chapter under this national action plan. So in passing this, they have passed the two of them. The implementation of this one is ongoing by all the ministries. It’s a national document for everyone, not just the Human Rights Commission. As the ministry of environment or information, there is a role for you to play here. But this one is a specific national human rights mechanism for business and human rights. It is under this one that we have established the national working group on business and human rights. This is the one we want to establish in Borno State. So for us, we have outlined this road map, and under it, we will first develop a consent note that we will hand over to the government on what they need to know and do. And when the government understudies that note, we will also include these processes. They will do stakeholder mapping to know who is who and who is doing what. After that, they will convene a state consultative forum on business and human rights, which will mandate the state government to go ahead and develop a state action plan on business and human rights. This action plan will take into consideration everything that is contextual to this state as it concerns the human rights of the people of the state. They will copy a lot from the national action plan, but they will also make their own specific Borno plans. And then the action plan will say who will belong to the state working group, and they will inaugurate the state working group. Then they will begin the process of implementation, where they will stipulate what they will do, such as the capacity building that must be done to ensure that businesses conform to the national human rights principles and standards. Across Nigeria, with the social challenges we are having, any company that decides to have social responsibility will go and bring bags of rice, ask people to queue up, and there will be a stampede. People will even die due to the struggles for palliatives, which are human rights violations. So we need to have a standard for what to do, and we are already developing one, especially when it comes to business compliance on the issues of social care. You don’t kill people while trying to help them.

Q: Cuts in… like what happened during the customs palliative saga? 

It’s not only Nigerian customs that make such mistakes; even churches do it. Churches say they are coming to help with food. You will not ask how many people will come; you did not issue tickets; nor did you ask for a central exit or entrance so that when the place is full, you will close the door. And then, you don’t have emergency medical response units in case anything happens. It’s a general Nigerian thing, even where we are now. If someone collapses in this hotel now, God forbid, I am sure they do not have a system to evacuate them. And if they are evacuating you, do they have ambulances or amenities to use? So it’s just a whole gamut of unsolved problems.

Q: Finally, if there is a violation of the UN guiding principles on human rights between now and December 2024, what is the guarantee that everything will be ready? 

A:…..cuts in. Everything depends on the state government. If they ask us to jump, we will ask how high you want to jump. So it’s up to them, but if they don’t have this state action plan, our own action plan will cover them. Because human rights are a federal thing, they cannot do state action plans for the protection of human rights because the Vienna Declaration is very clear about it. But they can do a state action plan on business and human rights because even the state government taxes and also regulates businesses.

Q: Alternative justices—speak on it—and judicial remedies—will they be embedded in this package of the action plan?

A: Alternative justices will be embedded in the state-based package on non-judicial remedies. There are state-based judicial mechanisms and non-judicial mechanisms. The state-based non-judicial mechanisms include the Human Rights Commission. The ulamas are non-state-based judicial mechanisms, and they can equally perform some functions with limited quasi-judicial roles. The good thing is that each of them can actually perform judiciary roles and award compensation. Like the HRC will award compensation based on its laws, if it’s the DSS or police that infringed on your rights, we will ask them to insert the same in their budget, and it will be paid to you. And I tell you, we have been successful in all this. But whether we speak about it enough or not, I can tell you we don’t. But like the special anti-robbery squad (SAS) panel, I can tell you that we paid over N480 million to 120 people for all the infringements that were incurred by their personnel in that incident. 

Interview:  NHRC paid over N480 million to 120 people for rights infringements after the SARS investigative panel saga, – Hilary Ogbonna.

Kashim Shettima is focused, trying to bridge gaps across people, culture, and religion in Nigeria. – Dr. Bwala

Dr. James Bwala, PhD, is a media practitioner, consultant, and author. He is one of the closest media men to Nigeria’s Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima. Ahead of the May 29 celebration of democracy day in Nigeria, he spoke to newsmen about his long-time relationship with the VP and why he writes in his own style to promote and defend Nigeria’s Vice President on many fronts and other sundry issues. NEWSng was there and sent an excerpt:

Q: Thank you for having us. It was indeed very important that we meet you. Can you please tell us about yourself?

A: I guess I am not in a hot seat. I really did not expect this question. It reminded me of some interview questions I was asked while I was seeking job opportunities with the NGO some time ago. But since this is not a job interview, I figured that I would relax and try not to be nervous. My name is James Bwala, as you all know. I am a journalist and have practiced in the media space for over two decades now. I studied mass communication for my first and second degree programs and earned my PhD in management with a specialty in disaster management. Currently, I run a media organization as the managing editor as well as managing public relations on behalf of the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH). I am also into politics, trying to follow in the footsteps of my principal, Nigeria’s Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, who has graciously been a very good teacher and mentor. And I hope that my learning will bring positive fruits and add value to Nigeria’s politics at any given opportunity to make a mark and to sell the Nigerian dream in the renewed hope initiative of Mr. President.

Q: You are a prolific writer, and we are happy to say that you are doing well and encouraging young media professionals with your style. We have read a lot of writings from you defending and promoting the Vice President before, during, and even after the general elections. Do you have any political appointments in this government?

A: I just told you that the VP is my principal, whether or not I have an appointment in the government or not. My loyalty to the VP has been there for decades. He calls me brother, and I think he is an older brother I have who also stood with me in my darkest moments. He has demonstrated the brotherly love that I have heard preachers preach, and he never leaves me as would some older brothers do. I am happy that you noted that I have written several pieces on him. Some were promotional, while others were trying to defend both his public and private lives. Yes. I have been given a political appointment in this government, but that is not about me and Kashim Shettima. It was the reward system in a political circle when you played your part in the game and when your loyalty was tested and you gave results. For that also, I will remain grateful to the VP for choosing to consider me for such a political position. And like I said, he never leaves me. I will look up to him as that older brother and respect him. I will also always defend him in the media, where necessary.

Q: How long have you known the VP? 

A: About three decades, actually. I was raised in Kaduna, but I grew up in Borno State, which is my state. I am a bona fide citizen of Borno State, and I am proud of that. While growing up in Bullumkuttu, Abuja, in the city of Maiduguri, I happened to leave around the VP’s wife’s family residents. I became friends with some of Her Excellency’s brothers and sisters, and we attended the same Bullumkuttu Primary School in the 1980s. I knew Kashim Shettima around 1988, to be precise, but we became very close when he became commissioner under the Modu Sheriff administration and I was writing for the newspapers as a journalist. I think we became very close because we share the same attitude and vision. Our culture, books, and views of life are the same. So, I would say we think alike.

Q: How would you describe the VP’s activities in the last year of this administration, and do you see distractions?

A: Well, they are too numerous to mention his activities generally. For distractions, there are also numbers. However, the VP is focused. Remember he said in one of his many sayings during the campaign that you should stop throwing stones at every dog that barks at you or you may not reach your destination on time? So, I want to tell you that this is his posture toward distraction. And you can see that he remained focused, building on the renewed hope initiative of the government by trying to bridge gaps across people, culture, and religion. He has also been in and out of the country, connecting and networking to build relationships for security, the economy, and others. For every achievement, there is a working person, and the VP is one of those working to achieve the dreams of Mr. President and give Nigeria hope.

Q: Your writings speak volumes about the VP; do you also consult with him before you write?

A: No. I know him too well to read his lips, and I can also study his moods, especially his reactions to what I wrote. Like I said, he is my teacher and mentor, so I guess there is this chemistry of understanding what to do and what not to do between us, which came naturally. Secondly, I am a professional in my field with good experience in political writing. It is therefore easy for me to look at situations and determine with precision what I need to do as a professional. For someone like the VP, all I need to know are the vital signs, which are obligations to me because of the closeness. I watched his back media wise, and he does mine brotherly.

Q: Recently, you wrote defending the VP on the issue of 2027. Why do you think some people want him replaced? Did he offend those calling for his replacement?

A: You know, this is actually laughable. 

VP Kashim Shettima did not offend anybody, but the gang was politically motivated. For me, it is normal in politics to have those who want you there and those who are pushing for you to be out of place. But let me tell you something. Recently, the President appointed the Zenith Bank Chairman to lead the loan team. Jim Ovia was VP Shettima’s boss when he was still working in the bank. What does that tell you? Does it look like there is friction between the VP and his principal? The closeness between VP Kashim Shettima and the Zenith Bank Chairman is well known to Mr. President. As those people claim in their dreams that there is friction, I do not think we have been seeing this development coming. Mr. President is well educated and knows very well those he can work with. He has a history of gathering intellectuals around him. That is also the reason for choosing VP Kashim Shettima as his running mate and partner in the governance of Nigeria. Together, they have been doing tremendously well, and as I said in my writing, there will be no replacement as suggested by those doomsayers.

READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/the-plight-of-farida/

Q: You sounded very confident about the political future and the likely play for Tinubu and Kashim Shettima in 2027. What is giving you such confidence, as in some of your writings?

A: I don’t know, actually. But I keep having my dreams, and I believe in them. It has happened in the past and has come to be true. It is happening again, and I keep my belief. So many people fighting over 2027 think they are gods. This administration has only been around for about a year now. If they think they have all it takes to govern better than what the current occupants of the seat of power are doing, I hope that as Nigerians they should be kind to render support through their vision to help Nigeria develop well. The president and his vice president are calling on those who have vision for the development of Nigeria to come forward with suggestions. They must not be in position before they can bring out their good road map to make Nigeria better. If they are waiting to come to a position before they give suggestions or bring their ideas to the table, then I would suggest that those are not thinking of making Nigeria great but are working towards their selfish desires to occupy seats for the betterment of their families and not Nigeria.

Q: Can you at least mention those you think are already fighting over 2027? And those calling for the replacement of the VP?

A: My friends, we know the writing on the walls. You go and read some of the writing floating in the newspaper spaces. We have over one hundred live newspapers in the country, and they have been reporting issues recently. Engaged in some of these newspapers, you can come up with names likely to be those you are looking for. I do not know any of them other than those I have read through on the pages of the newspapers, and I believe you can do the same.

Q:. On May 29, this administration will be celebrating one year. Do you think there are things to celebrate?

A: Well, if I may ask you, do you think there are no things to celebrate? You see, sometimes we ask questions for which we already know the answers. Of course, there are thousands of things to celebrate about Nigeria. I hope you have been following the various achievements made by our military, the police, and other security agencies in the areas of insecurity in the country. I hope you have written about the successes in the economic sector. There are several achievements in health, agriculture, the road, and what have you. I may not have time to mention others, but we have days counting to May 29, and you can do us the favor of going around to hunt on the successes and achievements of the Tinubu and Kashim Shettima administrations since their coming to power on May 29, 2023. Nigerians are eager to hear from you because they can count on you, and I urge you to be fair in your reports.

Q: On a final note, what do you think this government should do based on the assessments of people on what they did or did not do for Nigerians and how to improve on their promises?

A: First of all, let me make it clear that you are asking the wrong question here because I am not a member of the economic team of this administration. Secondly, what I hear people saying may be different from what you hear that people are saying, so do not expect me to give an answer to what is going on about what you hear. However, I can speak for what I hear, and that is a positive note on the many challenges that this administration was able to sum up. Two key issues have been on the board since this administration came on board on May 29, 2023. That is the issue of insecurity and Nigeria’s economy. I think that you would agree with me that the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has done creditably well in tackling these menaces in the areas of security and economy. If you do agree with me, then I can tell you that the government by measurements has done well and should be given the passing mark for demonstrating rear leadership.

Kashim Shettima is focused, trying to bridge gaps across people, culture, and religion in Nigeria. – Dr. Bwala