NIS Dismisses Claims of Regional Exclusion in Passport Issuance

By: Michael Mike

The Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) has debunked reports circulating online alleging that a particular region of the country has been barred from obtaining Nigerian passports, describing the claim as false and misleading.

In a statement issued on Saturday, the Service said the reports wrongly interpreted ongoing reforms aimed at modernising the country’s passport administration system.

According to NIS, no region or group of Nigerians has been excluded from passport issuance.

The Service explained that it is currently implementing a phased onboarding process to migrate passport offices—both within Nigeria and at foreign missions—to a centralised passport production framework.

The statement said the initiative, which commenced in 2024, is intended to improve efficiency, enhance security, and strengthen the integrity of the passport production process.

It added that as part of the reforms, passport offices in several North-East and North-Central states—including Borno, Yobe, Benue, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, and Plateau—have already been successfully integrated into the new system. In addition, 35 international passport stations across Africa, Asia, Europe, and South America have been onboarded.

The Service further disclosed that the migration of passport offices in the five South-East states—Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo—alongside five additional foreign missions in Italy, Greece, Spain, Switzerland, and Austria, is currently underway and scheduled for completion within the first quarter of 2026.

To ensure a smooth transition, NIS said it has put in place a structured work-plan calendar designed to prevent disruptions and maintain service delivery timelines throughout the migration period.

The Service urged members of the public to disregard speculative reports capable of creating unnecessary tension, reiterating its commitment to equitable service delivery, national interest, and operational excellence.

NIS Dismisses Claims of Regional Exclusion in Passport Issuance

Tinubu’s Diplomatic Offensive, Foreign Trips, and Strategic Gains
•A harvest Nigeria cannot ignore

By Jude Obioha

In Nigerian politics, perception often travels faster than facts. Few issues illustrate this better than the chorus of criticism surrounding President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s foreign trips. For months, critics have framed his diplomatic engagements as excessive travel, as political optics over substance. But that narrative is increasingly collapsing under the weight of tangible outcomes. The truth is that Tinubu’s foreign engagements are not leisurely excursions; they are deliberate economic and geopolitical missions, and Nigeria is already harvesting the dividends.

Democracy indeed demands scrutiny, and no president should be immune from public questioning. Yet accountability must be grounded in evidence. After nearly three years in office, the President’s diplomatic drive has begun to reshape Nigeria’s global standing, unlock investments, deepen security cooperation, and reposition the country as a confident actor on the international stage. What critics dismiss as frequent travel is, in reality, a recalibration of Nigeria’s foreign policy, moving from its hitherto passive diplomacy to assertive economic statecraft.

Consider the administration’s approach to global partnerships. Tinubu has revived Nigeria’s relevance as a strategic player across multiple power blocs by working simultaneously with the United States, China, the European Union, Türkiye, Brazil, and the Gulf states, amongst others, without surrendering national autonomy. For decades, Nigeria oscillated between dependence and isolation. Under Tinubu, engagement is now transactional but mutually beneficial and balanced, guided by national interest rather than old master–servant dynamics. The renewed geopolitical confidence is evident in security cooperation, intelligence sharing, and the willingness of global partners to treat Nigeria as a regional anchor in West Africa’s fragile security landscape.

The economic dividends are equally compelling. The President’s visit to China delivered more than ceremonial handshakes; it secured billions in investments aimed at industrialisation and job creation. The $3.3 billion Brass Industrial Park and Methanol Complex alone has the potential to reduce petrochemical imports and strengthen local manufacturing capacity. Agreements with automotive and technology giants are advancing local vehicle assembly, smart city development, and digital infrastructure, which are practical steps toward modernising Nigeria’s urban economy. Added to this are currency cooperation initiatives designed to ease pressure on the naira, making the picture clear: diplomacy is being weaponised for economic stabilisation.

In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Tinubu’s diplomacy resolved a tense standoff that had grounded flights and restricted visas for Nigerians. The restoration of travel ties was only the beginning. A sweeping economic partnership now offers the UAE duty-free access to thousands of Nigerian products as well as new infrastructure financing and investment frameworks across defence, agriculture, and logistics. The symbolism was powerful: Nigeria negotiated from a position of strength, securing concessions without immediate conditions for debt repayment; an outcome that restored confidence among investors and citizens alike.

Brazil provided another strategic breakthrough. The $1.1 billion Green Imperative Project promises agricultural mechanisation on a scale Nigeria has long struggled to achieve. At the same time, direct Lagos–São Paulo flights under a renewed aviation agreement could unlock billions of dollars in investment. At the same time, by the end of the decade. Meanwhile, partnerships in renewable energy, biotechnology, and local drug manufacturing position Nigeria to reduce import dependence and expand its technological capacity.

Türkiye, often overlooked in public discourse, represents one of the most consequential security partnerships. Agreements covering advanced drone technology, intelligence cooperation, and specialised military training directly strengthen Nigeria’s counter-terrorism operations. Trade relations are also projected to more than double, reflecting a pragmatic blend of defence and economic diplomacy.

Beyond the numbers, Tinubu’s diplomatic posture has demonstrated crisis management. When tensions escalated with the United States over Nigeria’s “Country of Particular Concern” designation, the administration chose dialogue over confrontation. Through structured engagement coordinated by the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria secured deeper defence collaboration and access to much-needed security equipment, as well as training, logistics, and intelligence sharing. It was diplomacy with measurable outcomes.

None of this suggests that criticism should cease. Nigerians are right to demand transparency, cost-efficiency, and clear metrics for every foreign trip. But fairness requires acknowledging results. The administration’s travels have delivered investments, restored diplomatic bridges, opened markets for Nigerian products, and strengthened security alliances at a time when global competition for capital and influence is intense.

The gloves may be off in Nigeria’s political discourse, but facts must remain the referee. Tinubu’s foreign trips are not a distraction from governance; they are a core instrument of his diplomatic, economic and security strategy. In a rapidly shifting global order, a president who stays home risks leaving his country behind. By contrast, Nigeria’s current diplomatic offensive is gradually yielding a bounty, one that could define the nation’s economic and geopolitical trajectory for years to come.

Obioha is the Director of Strategy, Hope Alive Initiative (HAI), a group dedicated to good governance in Nigeria

Woro attack: how Sahel-linked terror networks are creeping into Kwara’s border communities

By: Zagazola Makama

The deadly attack on Woro Village in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, which has claimed at least 35 lives, draws attention to a worrying expansion of Sahel-linked terrorism into Nigeria’s North-Central corridor, analysts say.

The lawmaker representing Kaiama in the Kwara State House of Assembly, Hon. Saidu Baba Ahmed, confirmed the death toll on Wednesday, adding that many residents were still missing in the surrounding bush after fleeing the community during the attack.

Security sources said the assault occurred at about 7:07 p.m. on Feb. 3, when terrorists suspected to be Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) stormed Woro, setting houses and shops ablaze as residents fled in panic.

Although the attackers reportedly withdrew after spotting an approaching aircraft, intelligence suggests they may still be lurking in nearby forests, waiting for security pressure to ease before attempting to return.

The Woro incident fits a broader pattern. Terrorist operations have intensified across the North-West (NW) and North-Central (NC), with attacks spilling into border communities near the Republic of Benin, particularly in Kwara and Niger States.

Security experts say fighters infiltrating from the Sahel axis have merged with local criminal groups, creating hybrid networks that combine ideological violence with banditry. Two major groupings – JNIM/AQIM and IS Sahel are said to be competing for space, carving out forest corridors and borderlands as launch pads for further attacks.

While parts of the North West are experiencing encroachment by ISIS-linked elements along Niger’s borders with Sokoto and Kebbi, JNIM’s operational reach reportedly stretches from the W-Arly-Pendjari (WAP) Forest Complex into Benin, diverting into North-Central Nigeria through porous routes.

Zagazola note that Kaiama’s location close to forested border corridors makes it vulnerable to transit and staging by mobile terror cells. Once embedded, these groups exploit local grievances, criminal economies and weak surveillance to sustain operations.

The burning of homes and shops in Woro is seen as tactical messaging: displace communities, disrupt local economies and demonstrate reach beyond traditional theatres of conflict.

The Woro attack is not an isolated Kwara problem but part of a wider Sahelian security crisis pushing southward into Nigeria’s heartland. Regional cooperation between NIGERIA with BENIN and NIGER Republic is therefore required to shut down these cross-border routes.

Woro attack: how Sahel-linked terror networks are creeping into Kwara’s border communities