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ECOWAS Court Gives Judgment on Press Council Inconsistency with Human Rights Law

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ECOWAS Court Gives Judgment on Press Council Inconsistency with Human Rights Law

By: Michael Mike

The ECOWAS Court of Justice has delivered its judgment in a case brought by two Nigerian journalists alleging the Nigerian Press Council Act of 1992 was discriminatory and violated their right to freedom of expression.

In its judgment delivered by Hon Justice Dupe Atoki, Judge Rapporteur, the Court declared that Sections 19 (1)(a), 27 and 37 of the Nigerian Press Council (NPC) Act failed to recognize public interest media including rights of online and citizen journalists thereby violating Article 9 (1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), and Article 8 (1) and 10 (2) of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa.

The Court therefore ordered the government of Nigeria to amend these contested Sections to align with international practices that promote free, pluralistic and professional journalism. It however dismissed other claims which were not substantiated.

The case with suit number ECW/CCJ/APP/31/21 was filed on 14 June 2021 by lawyers representing the Applicants – Mr Isaac Olamikan and Mrs Edoghogho Ugberease – online and citizen journalists who practise journalism for the promotion of freedom of expression, opinion, and access to information.

In the application, they claimed that Sections 19(1)a, 27 and 37 of the Nigeria Press Council Act of 1992 requiring journalists to be at least 18 years and accredited by the NPC, 25 years to be an editor with working experience in reputable media organization or news agency and registered with the Nigeria Union of Journalists, discriminated against them.

The Applicants’ lawyers led by Mr President Aigbokhan argued that these Sections failed to recognise public interest media such as the rights of online and citizen journalists and were therefore discriminatory and violated their right to freedom of expression as guaranteed under Articles 2 and 9(1) of the ACHPR, Article 19 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), Articles 2, 10 and 19 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Article 8 (1) and 10 (2) of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa; and breached the State’s obligation under the ECOWAS Treaty among other cited texts.

“For example, Section 37 of the Press Council Act, puts the minimum age to practice journalism as 18 years of age, while to be qualified as an editor, requires a minimum of 25 years of age. Sections 19(a) and 27 of the Act imposes educational qualifications and compulsory courses of attendance and training before a person can be recognized and allowed to practice as a journalist,” the judgment stated.

They also submitted that they were arrested separately at different locations while investigating and gathering information for their work, and that their arrest and detention were unlawful and violated their rights.

The Applicants asked the Court to order the Respondent to amend the contested Sections of the NPC Act to align with international practice and pay 1,000,000 (one million) USD as damages.

On their part, the Respondent’s lawyers Mrs Maimuna Lami Shiru and Mrs B.J. Oladipo told the Court that ‘journalism is a sensitive profession requiring mastery as well as regulation to prevent negative effect, adding that rights to information and freedom of expression are not absolute.’

The Respondent denied arresting and detaining the Applicants unlawfully, stating that the first Applicant was arrested because his action had national security implications while the second Applicant operated illegally.

They added that, in the same way as other professional bodies, there were criteria for registration and membership as journalists, and urged the Court to dismiss the case describing it as frivolous, baseless and an abuse of court process.
In its analysis, the Court determined if the matter was within its mandate, if it was admissible and if the Sections of the NPC Act were discriminatory and violated the right to freedom of expression of the Applicants. Relying on its rules of procedure and jurisprudence, the Court held the matter was within its jurisdiction and the case was admissible.

On the alleged violation of Article 2 of ACHPR the Court noted that the Applicants did not substantiate on how they were treated differently in an identical or similar situation. Consequently, it held that their rights to freedom from discrimination under Article 2 of ACHPR has not been violated.

While on the alleged violation of Article 9 (freedom of expression), the Court noted that Section 19(1) and Section 27 of the Press Act imposing minimum educational requirement, age limit and registration, were restrictive and interfered with the right to freedom of expression, and therefore violated Article 9 (2).

In reaching its decision, the Court also noted the impact of technology in the evolving media space with the advent of citizen journalists, influencers and content creators who share news, commentary, and analysis on social issues. Though not qualified in traditional sense, they contributed to shaping public opinion.

It drew inspiration from young activists notably Malala Yousafzai and Greta Thunberg who in their teens integrated online media in their advocacy and have attained world recognition through a free and unrestricted opportunity to gather information and express opinion.

Regarding the Applicants’ claim of unlawful arrest and detention, the Court noted that the Applicants did not prove their arrest was unlawful. Consequently, the Court dismissed their claims of unlawful arrest and request for compensation.

Both parties were ordered to bear their costs of litigation.

Also on the bench were Hon Justices Edward Amoako Asante (presiding) and Sengu M. Koroma (Member).

ECOWAS Court Gives Judgment on Press Council Inconsistency with Human Rights Law

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Troops clear ISWAP enclaves, recover arms, neutralise IEDs in Borno

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Troops clear ISWAP enclaves, recover arms, neutralise IEDs in Borno

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of Joint Task Force (North East), Operation Hadin Kai (OPHK), have intensified offensive operations against Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) elements, clearing multiple terrorist enclaves in the Kashimori axis of Borno State and recovering arms, logistics and improvised explosive devices (IEDs).

Sources told Zagazola Makama that the operation was conducted in the early hours of Feb. 2, 2026, under Operation Desert Sanity, with troops of 21 Special Armoured Brigade (SAB) operating in conjunction with volunteer forces.

The sources said the troops carried out a coordinated clearance of several ISWAP hideouts clustered around the Kashimori area, spanning multiple locations within Guzamala axis, following actionable intelligence on terrorist presence and logistics activity.

According to the sources, although the enclaves were active prior to the operation, the terrorists abandoned their positions before the arrival of troops, apparently fleeing on sensing the advancing force.

“During the clearance operations, troops destroyed terrorist life-support structures across the enclaves and recovered one motorcycle, one tricycle, five AK-47 magazines and five terrorist flags,” the sources stated.

It added that two IEDs were discovered at separate locations during the operation and were safely detonated in situ by an Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) team, while one unprimed IED was recovered intact.

The military said the operation was executed across difficult terrain, with troops encountering significant mobility challenges due to sandy soil conditions and mechanical faults affecting several vehicles and motorcycles.

Despite the constraints, the troops successfully completed the mission objectives and later harboured at Forward Operating Base (FOB) Kawuri without casualty.

The sustained pressure was being maintained on terrorist elements to deny them freedom of movement, logistics corridors and safe havens.

Operation Hadin Kai has in recent weeks intensified clearance and domination patrols as part of efforts to degrade ISWAP and Boko Haram remnants, disrupt their IED networks and prevent regrouping ahead of the dry season movement window.

Troops clear ISWAP enclaves, recover arms, neutralise IEDs in Borno

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NSCDC Launches Gender Policy II to Deepen Inclusive Security Delivery

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NSCDC Launches Gender Policy II to Deepen Inclusive Security Delivery

By: Michael Mike

The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has unveiled its Gender Policy II, reinforcing its commitment to inclusive, people-centred security delivery and institutional professionalism.

The policy was launched on Tuesday in Abuja at an event that brought together senior government officials, security sector leaders, development partners and civil society organisations.

Speaking at the ceremony, the Commandant General of the NSCDC, Prof. Ahmed Audi, described inclusivity as a critical pillar for building a credible and effective security institution. He said the new policy reflects the Corps’ determination to align its operations with global standards while supporting national security priorities.

Audi, who represented the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, explained that Gender Policy II is designed to strengthen the Corps’ institutional capacity, enhance operational performance and ensure that personnel carry out their duties with professionalism, dignity and respect for human rights.

According to him, embedding gender responsiveness in security operations will improve service delivery, promote accountability and foster public trust, particularly among vulnerable and underserved communities.

Participants at the event, which was supported by UKFIDO and SPRING, highlighted the importance of inclusive security frameworks in safeguarding citizens and advancing social justice. Speakers noted that policies which promote equity and participation contribute significantly to effective law enforcement and national stability.

The launch of Gender Policy II also reaffirms the NSCDC’s commitment to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. Observers described the policy as a major milestone in the Corps’ ongoing efforts to institutionalise inclusivity, equity and professionalism across its operations nationwide.

NSCDC Launches Gender Policy II to Deepen Inclusive Security Deliver

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Special Seat Is Democratic: NASS Urged to Pass Bill

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Special Seat Is Democratic: NASS Urged to Pass Bill

Austin Aigbe FSM
Gender Rights Advocate

In the aftermath of Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, I sat with a heavy heart and a clear conclusion: affirmative action legislation is essential to address the stark underrepresentation of women in Nigeria’s political leadership. Despite women making up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, they occupy less than 5 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, underscoring a civic duty to effect change.

As the then Secretary of the National Coalition of Affirmative Action (NCAA) in my state, I worked alongside visionary women such as the late Oby Nwankwo, who helped lead the national gender equality architecture, as well as Hajia Saudatu Mandi and Dr Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, among others. Together, we pushed for the full domestication of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), culminating in the proposed Gender and Equal Opportunity (GEO) Bill. Yet, since 2007, that bill has languished in the National Assembly, stalled by political resistance and cultural pushback.

Now, the Special Seats Bill offers a breakthrough. It is not a compromise—it is a resolution. It responds to criticisms of the GEO Bill by focusing on representation rather than just rights. It proposes additional seats in the Senate, House of Representatives, and State Houses of Assembly, to be contested exclusively by women, without reducing existing seats or threatening incumbents. It is a democratic innovation, not a disruption.

Why Special Seats Matter

The argument is simple: democracy must reflect the people. If half of the population is excluded from decision-making, democracy remains incomplete. Special seats are not about tokenism; they are about correcting structural imbalances. Sierra Leone, for example, passed the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE) Act in 2022, addressing gender gaps by increasing women’s representation in decision-making, improving access to finance and employment, and promoting equal opportunities in education and training. Other countries, including Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa, have used constitutional and legislative measures to advance gender parity. Nigeria should no longer lag.

The Special Seats Bill also directly addresses the barriers women face when contesting elections:

Violence and intimidation, particularly during party primaries.
The monetisation of politics disadvantages women with fewer financial resources.
Patriarchal party structures that sideline women during candidate selection.
By creating a guaranteed pathway, the bill enables women to enter the political space, build experience, and eventually compete for general seats on a more equal footing.

The Human Cost of Delay

Every election cycle without reform is a missed opportunity. In 2023, only 3.6 per cent of those elected to the National Assembly were women; it is not merely a statistic; it represents hundreds of capable women denied a voice. It reflects the silencing of perspectives on maternal health, education, gender-based violence, and economic inclusion.

I have previously supported interventions aimed at strengthening the capacity of women candidates—many of whom were more qualified than their male opponents but were pushed aside by party gatekeepers. I have seen communities rally behind women leaders, only to be told they are “not electable.” The Special Seats Bill is a lifeline for these women—and for the communities they seek to represent.

A Call to the National Assembly

The National Assembly has a patriotic duty to pass this bill now, as it directly impacts Nigeria’s democratic future and inclusivity.

Nigeria’s lawmakers must rise above partisan interests and act in the national interest. The bill has reached its final stage of legislative consideration. The time to act is now—before the 2027 elections are upon us.

Conclusion: Democracy Is Representation

The Special Seats Bill is a vital democratic correction that ensures equal participation and opportunity, enabling meaningful change.

Let us not wait another decade. Let us not mourn another election cycle defined by exclusion. Let us pass the Special Seats Bill—and finally make democracy whole.

Special Seat Is Democratic: NASS Urged to Pass Bill

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