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ECOWAS Court Orders Côte d’Ivoire to Pay CFA50 million for Violation of Citizens Rights

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ECOWAS Court Orders Côte d’Ivoire to Pay CFA50 million for Violation of Citizens Rights

By: Michael Mike

The ECOWAS Court of justice on 30th of November, 2023, declared the State of Côte d’Ivoire liable for violation of rights of Adou Kouamé and nine other Ivorians, and ordered the Ivorian government to pay 50 million CFA Francs to each of them as compensation.

In its judgement delivered by Hon Justice Ricardo Claúdio Monteiro Gonçalves, Judge Rapporteur, the Court declared that the Respondent – State of Côte d’Ivoire violated the right to healthy environment and health, right to private and family life, right to adequate standard of living and food, right to freedom of religion and right of minorities to have their own culture.

However, the Court dismissed the Applicants – Adou Kouame and Others’ claim that their right to property was violated, for lack of sufficient evidence of ownership. The Court also declared the second, thirteenth and fourteenth Applicants in the suit as improper parties before the Court, stating that they did not present evidence showing their relationship with the parents they claimed to be representing respectively. The Applicants request for collective compensation was dismissed by the Court too.

In the case with suit number ECW/CCJ/APP/08/21, the Applicants – Adou Kouame, village head of Similimi and 14 other residents, claimed that the State of Côte d’Ivoire’s failure to protect them from the negative effects of the mining activities in their community violated their right to healthy and sustainable environment, and health, right to religious and cultural freedom, right to private and family life, right to adequate standard of living and food, and right to property guaranteed under international laws cited in the application.

The Applicants’ lead counsels, Mr Rashidi Ibitowa, Ms Geneviève Aïssata Diallo and Mr Jonathan Kaufman argued that the Ivorian government did not “take measures to give effect to human rights protected by international law,” adding that the mining operations have had adverse effects on plantations, forests, rivers and places of worship causing them health hazards from polluted water, polluted air, explosions, noise pollution and ground tremors. And that their ancestral places of worship were destroyed by the mining activities including altars for sacrifices and they are of the opinion their ancestors are angry with them because their prayers and invocations were no longer answered.

They also asked the Court to hold the State liable for failure to validate the impact assessment results of 2010 that would have resettled them, adding that the Ministry of Mining and Geology renewed the mining licence of the company in 2018 despite the fact that the environmental damage persisted, and the company had not fulfilled its obligations.

They demanded 12 billion CFA francs as compensation for the estimated 600 residents of Similimi, and another 3 billion CFA francs for the Applicants for the prejudice suffered, and an order for their resettlement, among other reliefs.

The Respondent – State of Côte d’Ivoire said that following the exploitation of the mines, and the residents’ demand for compensation from the mining company as well as complaint of adverse effect on water and human health, the Minister of Environment engaged its agencies – Ivorian Anti-Pollution Centre (CIAPOL) and the National Environment Agency (ANDE) and that their reports led to the suspension of the activities of the mining company by an Order of 11 November 2015.

However, the company was allowed to resume activities in 2016 while implementing corrective measures, adding that periodic meetings between all parties continued until 2020 and that a general meeting was also held in 2021.

The Respondent asked the Court to declare the case inadmissible arguing that the matter was within the jurisdiction of national courts and that the claims of the Applicants were ill-founded and should be dismissed.

In the judgment, the Court which held that the matter was within its jurisdiction, also asked the State of Côte d’Ivoire to ensure the residents of Similimi community located in Bondoukou district in Côte d’Ivoire were resettled in compliance with relevant laws, ensure a healthy environment is restored rapidly, end the ongoing environmental degradation, and hold the perpetrators responsible for the environmental degradation.

The State of Côte d’Ivoire was ordered to bear the cost of litigation, and submit to the Court within three months, measures taken to implement this judgment.

Also on the bench were Justices Edward Amoako Asante (presiding) and Dupe Atoki (Member).

ECOWAS Court Orders Côte d’Ivoire to Pay CFA50 million for Violation of Citizens Rights

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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