News
NNPC Ltd Declares State Of Emergency On Crude Oil Production
NNPC Ltd Declares State Of Emergency On Crude Oil Production
- Calls For Collaboration To Reduce Production Cost
By: Olufemi O. Soneye
In a move towards increasing Nigeria’s crude oil production and growing its reserves, NNPC Ltd has declared a state of emergency on production in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.
Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC Ltd, Mr. Mele Kyari, disclosed this in a keynote address at the opening ceremony of the 23rd edition of the Nigeria Oil & Gas Conference and Exhibition (NOG Energy Week) in Abuja, on Tuesday.
“We have decided to stop the debate. We have declared war on the challenges affecting our crude oil production. War means war. We have the right tools. We know what to fight. We know what we have to do at the level of assets. We have engaged our partners, and we will work together to improve the situation,” the GCEO declared.
According to him, a detailed analysis of assets revealed that Nigeria can conveniently produce two million barrels of crude oil per day without deploying new rigs, but the major impediment to achieving that remains the inability of players to act in a timely manner.
He said the “war” will help NNPC Ltd. and its partners to speedily clear all identified obstacles to effective and efficient production such as delays in procurement processes, which have become a challenge in the industry.
On medium to long-term measures aimed at boosting and sustaining production, Kyari said NNPC Ltd. would replace all the old crude oil pipelines built over four decades ago and also introduce a rig sharing programme with its partners to ensure that production rigs stay in the country for between four and five years which is the standard practice in most climes.
He called on all players in the industry to collaborate towards reducing the cost of production and boosting production to target levels.
He expressed the Company’s commitment to investing in critical midstream gas infrastructure such as the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) and the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano gas pipelines to boost domestic gas production and supply for power generation, industrial development and economic prosperity of the country.
On Compressed Natural Gas (CNG), Kyari observed that NNPC Ltd. has since keyed into the Presidential CNG drive, adding that in conjunction with partners such as NIPCO Gas, NNPC Ltd. has built a number of CNG stations, 12 of which will be commissioned on Thursday in Lagos and Abuja.
The opening ceremony of the NOG Energy Week also saw goodwill messages and keynotes presented by the Secretary General of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Haitham Al Ghais; Secretary General of the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF), Engr. Mohamed Hamel; Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil), Senator Heineken Lokpobiri; Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Gas), Rt. Hon. Ekperikpe Ekpo; Special Adviser to the President on Energy, Ms. Olu Verheijen as well as the Chairman, Independent Petroleum Producers Group (IPPG), Mr. Abdulrazaq Isa.
NNPC Ltd. is the Principal Sponsor of 2024 NOG Energy Week Conference & Exhibition which has as its theme “showcasing opportunities, driving investment and meeting energy demand.”
NNPC Ltd Declares State Of Emergency On Crude Oil Production
News
Plateau communities on high alert as fresh cattle killings escalate in Riyom LGA
Plateau communities on high alert as fresh cattle killings escalate in Riyom LGA
By: Zagazola Makama
Pastoralists in Riyom Local Government Area of Plateau State are on edge following a fresh wave of unprovoked attacks on livestock that threaten livelihoods and heighten tensions between residents and herders.
According to a statement issued by Abdullahi Yusuf, a Fulani community representative in Riyom, on Feb. 2, 2026, one cow was shot dead at Weren Camp, while three other cows were poisoned in Kwi Village during the afternoon hours.
Preliminary reports indicate that the poisoned cattle ingested toxic substances deliberately hidden inside oranges placed in grazing areas, a method that experts describe as “malicious and targeted.”
Yusuf condemned the attacks as “criminal, unacceptable, and a serious threat to peaceful coexistence” among pastoral communities in Riyom.
He called on relevant security agencies to investigate the incidents, identify the perpetrators, and bring them to justice. The community representative also appealed to the Plateau State Government to adopt proactive measures to prevent further occurrences and protect lives, property, and livestock in the affected areas.
“This latest incident in Kwi Village is not isolated. The community is now becoming notorious for cattle poisoning, with repeated attacks undermining the safety of pastoralists and their families,” the statement noted.
The incidents forms part of a pattern of escalating violence across Plateau, with armed ethnic militias and bandits increasingly targeting both human and animal assets.
A notable flashpoint occurred on Dec. 27, 2025, when five Fulani youths traveling along Bukuru Express Road near Angle D, Jos South LGA, were ambushed by armed militia elements assessed to be Berom. The victims, returning from Kara Cattle Market, sustained critical gunshot injuries and were rushed to Jos University Teaching Hospital (JUTH) for emergency medical attention.
Other documented incidents in recent months include: Dec. 12, 2025: Armed elements attacked Nding Community, Fan District, Barkin Ladi LGA, rustling approximately 137 cattle belonging to three herders. Dec. 13, 2025: Cattle rustling in Kukukah Community, Jos East LGA, resulted in the theft of 34 cows. Less than 24 hours later, nine cows reportedly died after ingesting poisonous substances in Kwi Village, Riyom LGA.
Dec. 16, 2025: Armed Fulani bandits attacked an illegal mining site at Tosho Community, Fan District, Barkin Ladi LGA, allegedly to recover stolen cattle. The attack left twelve people dead, three abducted, and several injured.
Dec. 18–19, 2025: Retaliatory attacks followed, including the killing of four children at Dorong Village, Foron District, Barkin Ladi LGA, and further livestock killings in Gero Village, Jos South LGA.
Zagazola has repeatedly warned that these attacks represent a “predictable escalation cycle,” in which cattle rustling, livestock poisoning, and attacks on pastoral settlements precipitate retaliatory strikes against unrelated civilian targets.
Security sources in Plateau State confirmed that the shootings and poisoning incidents are part of a growing pattern of violence targeting pastoral communities to chased them out of Plateau state but the attacks have rather only contributed to an escalating cycle of reprisal violence, including retaliatory raids and clashes between herders and local communities.

“The deliberate attacks on livestock and civilians show a coordinated effort to destabilize Plateau communities and failure to decisively address these threats risks normalizing violence, increasing civilian casualties, and entrenching Plateau state armed militias as de facto security actors.”
Zagazola have documented the escalating violence across Plateau but the plateau state governments have largely been “looking the other way,” allowing reprisal cycles to continue unabated. The repeated attacks and retaliations draw attention to the urgent need for a robust and coordinated response to protect lives, livelihoods, and the fragile peace within Plateau State.
We therefore called for urgent joint security measures, including sustained patrols, intelligence-led interdiction of militia cells, and decisive disruption of cattle rustling and poisoning networks to prevent further deterioration of the security situation in Plateau state.
Plateau communities on high alert as fresh cattle killings escalate in Riyom LGA
News
Emerging World Order and Africa’s Lessons from the Trump Era
Emerging World Order and Africa’s Lessons from the Trump Era
By Oumarou Sanou
The post–Cold War international order was never perfect, but it rested on an implicit bargain: economic integration, shared security frameworks, and a rules-based multilateral system that, however asymmetrical, offered predictability. Today, that fragile system is cracking. What we are witnessing is not merely a shift in global power centres; it is a contest for the very architecture that governs the relations between the powerful and the weak.
In Davos earlier this year, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney delivered a speech that resonated far beyond Canadian audiences. He warned that the world is experiencing “a rupture, not a transition” in the international order—a rupture driven by great power rivalry, coercive economic instruments, and the abandonment of long-standing norms that underpinned international cooperation. Carney’s admonition was clear: “If we are not at the table, we are on the menu.”
Carney’s words are particularly relevant in light of the behaviour of the United States under President Donald Trump. Whether it was threats of acquisition or control over Greenland, aggressive tariff wars, or overt economic coercion against traditional allies like Canada, Trump’s actions revealed a willingness to privilege raw national interests over collective stability and legal norms.
Trump’s repeated threats to Greenland—suggesting the United States might pursue control of the territory and even floating military options—were not only alarming in themselves but illustrative of a broader willingness to subordinate sovereignty to strategic ambition. When such rhetoric comes from a self-described champion of “America First,” it sends a sobering message: might still make right in the world, even among countries that claim to champion democracy and the rule of law.
Meanwhile, revelations that officials from Washington held private meetings with Alberta separatist activists in Canada stirred fears of foreign interference in a neighbour’s internal affairs. Critics in Ottawa denounced these contacts as a breach of Canadian sovereignty. Such actions, whether driven by geopolitical opportunism or domestic political theatre, further illustrate the weakening of mutual respect that once characterised Western alliances.
Yet it is not only Western allies who have felt the tremors of this shifting order. Trump’s use of tariffs as negotiation tools—far beyond strategic trade leverage, extending toward punitive measures against Canada, Mexico, and other trading partners—underscored a willingness to weaponise economic integration itself. The result: fractured alliances, defensive economic posturing in Europe and Asia, and a deterioration of trust that had anchored global cooperation for decades.
For Africa, these developments are not abstract. They serve as both a warning and a lesson.
First, the era of assuming predictable behaviour from great powers—whether the United States, Europe, or others—is over. If a democracy like the US can threaten tariffs or territorial ambitions without significant institutional pushback, what then for African states facing far more powerful neighbours or external influences? Africa must understand that in a multipolar scramble, goodwill will not protect it. Sovereignty must be backed by strategy and diversified partnerships.
Secondly, the Trump era illustrates the limits of aligning too closely with any one power. African nations have long faced pressure to choose between Western influence and alternative models—whether from Russia, China, or other actors. What Africa needs, as Carney suggested for middle powers, is “cooperation without subordination”: strategic alignment that preserves autonomy rather than replacing one patron with another.
This is where many pseudo-pan-African narratives fall short. They paint Africa’s choices as binary—either anti-Western or pro-Russian/Chinese. Such framing is simplistic and dangerous. Africa’s challenge is not to replace one hegemon with another, but to craft an independent strategy rooted in its own developmental priorities, not the geopolitical interests of outsiders.
Africa also faces internal vulnerabilities that external actors can exploit. Just as the alleged Trump Administration’s interactions with Canadian separatists raised fears of meddling in domestic cohesion, many African states grapple with separatist movements, ethnic tensions, and governance deficits. These internal fractures could be manipulated by external powers seeking influence–be it the US, Russia, China, EU and the others. Nigeria’s own experience with separatist agitation, for example, could invite unwelcome foreign interest if not managed within a strong governance framework.
The Trump era also underscores the importance of resilience in global institutions. Carney’s critique of the “rules-based order” highlighted how powerful states can weaken norms and leverage economic integration as coercion rather than cooperation. For Africa, which relies on international norms for trade, security, and diplomacy, this erosion is dangerous. It means engaging not only in bilateral relationships but also strengthening regional architecture—from the African Union to ECOWAS and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)—to buffer external shocks and present collective leverage.
Moreover, Africa must invest in economic self-reliance and intra-continental cooperation. Reliance on distant powers for security, investment, or economic growth leaves African states vulnerable to external shocks and policy whims. Strengthening intra-African trade, harmonising regulations, and building joint capacities in critical sectors can provide a foundation from which African states negotiate rather than capitulate.
Finally, the African diplomatic corps must be modernised. Africa needs representation that not only attends global summits but actively shapes narratives and defends African interests. Just as Western powers deploy elaborate strategic communication and lobbying capabilities, African states must professionalise their diplomatic engagements to protect sovereignty and influence outcomes.
The emerging world order is marked by competition, not cooperation. This reality will not change simply by wishing it so. Africa’s response must be pragmatic, strategic, and rooted in its own interests—not in reaction to external pressures but in pursuit of its own vision of prosperity, stability, and sovereign self-determination.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Emerging World Order and Africa’s Lessons from the Trump Era
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News
Gombe police launch investigation after clash at wedding leaves one dead
Gombe police launch investigation after clash at wedding leaves one dead
By: Zagazola Makama
Police in Gombe State have commenced investigation following a deadly clash during a wedding send-off party in Tulmi, Akko Local Government Area, which left one person dead and others injured.
According to a sources, the incident occurred on Feb. 1, 2026, at about 10:30 p.m., when a group of men identified as Wada Hussaini, Ganji Alhaji Idi, Yaya Hussaini, Mohammed Maikudi, Bello Alhaji Idi, and one Tijjani, all from Garin Ardo Usman village, reportedly clashed with Abubakar Usman, 35, and Bello Adamu, 19, at the wedding organized by Godiya Mai Rai.
The confrontation resulted in serious injuries to Abubakar Usman, Bello Adamu, and Wada Hussaini. The injured were rushed to Cottage Hospital Tumu for treatment, but Abubakar Usman was confirmed dead. His corpse has been deposited at the hospital’s mortuary.
The suspects fled the scene following the incident, and police said efforts are ongoing to apprehend them. Investigation into the case has commenced.
Gombe police launch investigation after clash at wedding leaves one dead
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