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State Governors Are The Real Problem Of Nigerian Democracy

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State Governors Are The Real Problem Of Nigerian Democracy

BY:DOMINIC KIDZUBY

The Fourth Republic is already in ruins. What is left is the debris from the fall of the ancient empire. And the State Governors are the willing undertakers. Having plundered and killed the republic, they feel no scruples about burying the carcass. The carcass is their trophy. The suffering are their emblem, the grand imprimatur of their reign. Life and death are theirs to give or take. They are the new gods, stealing, killing, converting. They are the inscrutable ogre before whom the people tremble in obeisance and in fear.

Every Governor is the King of Abyssinia, with the single ambition of becoming the richest man in Babylon. They sit in regal majesty on Mount Olympus, dispensing from the patrimony of the people according to their whims and caprices. If the appetite takes them, they give you an appointment or a contract. Otherwise, they are pretty comfortable with allowing you to wander in obloquy, while members of their families run the state at will. To know the Governor or a member of his family is of great advantage, to know none is to stand and stare in misery.

They use poverty as a form of political control. The poorer the people, the more likely they are compelled to sing and dance at the celestial glory of the sovereign who does no wrong. Every single project is magnified as the greatest, ever. He knows the truth, but what the heck! The wealth of the state belongs to the Governor and his family. Account books are cooked in earthen pots on the firewood hearth. Huge properties are openly and hurriedly developed or bought in the full glare of the starving populace, behemoths dedicated to the atavistic gods of sudden power and money without end. You could almost hear the people saying, “na him time abeg, make him chop.”

The state as a subregion was envisioned to synthesize development in the broad spectrum of its region as both a political unit and an economic bloc within the federal republic. But, most of the governors have mostly concentrated on the state capitals and neglected Local Government areas in both physical infrastructure and economic development. The third tier which is the closest to the people and therefore most critical in their development has been unconditionally seized by the governors who have consistently taken their funds with surprising impunity, giving them nothing in return. They are happier when there are no elected Chairmen, because the civil servants are mighty malleable and simple thieves anyway.

Governors in Nigeria are stealing the states blind. They are not developing the economy or developing creative and unique revenue heads outside simply collecting allocation from Abuja every 30 days. Why do state governors initiate very gigantic projects they cannot accomplish, which are usually denominated in USD? To confuse the people and cream off the top, of course. The Joint Account Allocation Committees (JAAC) in the states are a great constitutional travesty. It is in those monthly meetings that the Local Government as a tier of government is murdered. Once salaries are removed and the Chairmen are given a little something under the table, the governors grab the rest in a monthly heist that is simply disgusting.

Stephen King once said that “monsters are real, and ghosts are real too. They live inside us, and sometimes they win”. The governors have won, the republic is theirs. Yet these are people who looked good and smelt nice before swearing in, but transformed into Gorgo Medusa, the very next day and are no longer recognizable. Abraham Lincoln also warned that “nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a man’s character, give him power”. The so-called politicians in the states are willing slaves. They are suffering and smiling, some are actually clapping. Even though Albert Camus had warned that “Nothing is more despicable than respect based on fear”. Have you ever wondered why state governors find mediocres attractive? It is because they resent a second opinion, or a brilliant head with other ideas. They can’t stand another bright bulb in the chandelier. There can only be one chair in the room they occupy.

Everyone knows that Agriculture is the next big thing in Nigeria. All the governors know this and mouth it. But none will put 200 willing farmers in business by giving them seed grants of 20 million Naira each. That is a mere NGN4 billion. Such a scheme will enable massive food production, give people work, and create self-sustaining entrepreneurs in their states. But they won’t do that. Four billion is too much, yet this is the kind of money they themselves grab on a not so good day. No governor has created 500 independent millionaires in their eight years. And it doesn’t take a whole lot to do so. Their real interest is themselves. They rather prefer to have both young and grown men on a flagpole, sharing food palliatives to them as if they are crippled or the state is at war.

We have all been made cripples anyway, a shameful legacy of this Fourth republic. There is no genuine attempt to develop the people, either in business, innovation, or agriculture. Cultivating just 10 hectares by each of these 200 people suggested above amounts to 2,000 hectares of cocoa, oil palms, cassava, yams, rice, beans, millet, onions, tomatoes, potatoes, et al. Repeat this investment in each of the eight years of the two-term, and you are likely to have created about 800 millionaires in one state. That is massive development! This is how prosperity is created by a thinking leader who desires to leave a legacy behind. Legacies are made of people too, not only cement, stones, and sand. The greatest legacy of all is how a leader was able to transform his people from poverty to prosperity, from being dependent to becoming self-sustaining.

The removal of petroleum subsidy has ushered in tremendous amounts of revenue to the states, but the governors won’t tell you that. They prefer to continue to behave as if nothing new has happened. Waning about paucity of funds, debt profile, wage bills, and just about anything. If the governors can put their heads down to work and suspend their own self-enrichment for just one year, the impact on the citizens would be massive. Nigerians blame and pilory the federal government on a daily basis, not knowing that there is enough in their home states for everyone ready to work and prosper. Most states are now receiving three times what their predecessors got as allocation and their IGR is growing in leaps and bounds, but the people are not feeling the impact in any way. Same complaining, same exotic lifestyles, globetrotting, long motorcades, and properties on land and sea. While the people are left holding can.

State governors have been too greedy, too selfish, and overly criminal minded. They have shown neither love nor commitment to the genuine development of the states, and a bewildering lack of ideas in taking their citizens out of starvation and inevitable servitude. They have destroyed the Local Government system and rendered the federal system inoperable in their preference for electoral monarchy, which creates a new king every eight years. I am at pains to find something positive to say about the contribution of state governors to the development of their people or this democracy. Regrettably, I am unable to find one thing to defend their crass performance politically, economically, and morally.

*Dominic Kidzu served as Chief Press Secretary to Governor Donald Duke and later as the General Manager of the Cross River Newspaper Corporation (Nigerian Chronicle),

State Governors Are The Real Problem Of Nigerian Democracy

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

By Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.

Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.

According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.

“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.

The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.

The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.

Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.

The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.

Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

By Zagazola Makama

Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.

At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.

Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.

Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.

Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.

“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.

The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.

However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.

Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.

Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.

In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.

Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

By Zagazola Makama

In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.

The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.

But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.

In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.

Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.

Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.

Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.

That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.

Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.

The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.

This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.

As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.

In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.

For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?

These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.

Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.

This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.

There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.

While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.

This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.

Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.

Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.

One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.

Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.

The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.

If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.

This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.

The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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