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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
By: Michael
Mike
Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.
As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.
I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.
Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.
The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.
The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.
International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.
In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.
The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.
Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.
There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.
Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.
To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.
Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.
Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.
On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.
Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.
As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
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IWD 2026: UN Women Warns Nigeria’s Democracy at Risk as Women Hold Just 3.9% of Parliamentary Seats
IWD 2026: UN Women Warns Nigeria’s Democracy at Risk as Women¹ Hold Just 3.9% of Parliamentary Seats
By: Michael Michael
The Country Representative of UN Women to Nigeria and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Beatrice Eyong, has warned that Nigeria’s democratic progress and development could remain stunted unless urgent action is taken to close the country’s widening gender inequality gap.
Speaking in Abuja during a media parley ahead of the 2026 commemoration of International Women’s Day, Eyong said Nigeria continues to face troubling disparities in women’s representation, safety and access to justice despite years of advocacy and policy commitments.
The global observance this year is themed “Rights. Justice. Action.”
Eyong said the theme reflects a growing international concern that although women’s rights are widely recognised in law and policy, millions of women still struggle to experience those rights in their daily lives.
She particularly raised alarm over Nigeria’s extremely low level of female political representation, revealing that women currently occupy just 3.9 per cent of parliamentary seats, one of the lowest rates anywhere in the world.
According to her, the imbalance not only undermines democratic inclusion but also weakens the country’s ability to make policies that reflect the needs of half of its population.
“Gender equality is fundamentally a question of power, and the power gap in Nigeria remains stark,” Eyong said.
“When women are missing from decision-making tables, the consequences are visible in the policies we adopt, the priorities we fund, and the voices that remain unheard.”
Beyond politics, she said Nigeria continues to grapple with persistently high levels of gender-based violence, noting that many survivors still face enormous barriers in seeking justice.
She warned that violence against women is increasingly spreading into digital spaces, where technology-facilitated abuse has become a growing threat.
“Rights mean little without justice,” she said. “Justice must be experienced in women’s safety, in their freedom from fear, and in their ability to seek protection and accountability wherever abuse occurs.”
To confront these challenges, Eyong said UN Women is intensifying advocacy for the Special Seats for Women Bill, a constitutional reform proposal aimed at guaranteeing women stronger representation in Nigeria’s legislative institutions.
She explained that the organisation is also working with the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs to strengthen the National Sexual Offender Database, a critical accountability tool designed to prevent convicted offenders from evading detection by moving between states.
In addition, she said UN Women has expanded its engagement with traditional and religious leaders across Nigeria to challenge cultural norms and social practices that perpetuate discrimination and violence against women.
The agency is also supporting efforts to institutionalise Gender-Responsive Budgeting at federal and state levels to ensure government spending prioritises issues affecting women and girls, including maternal health, girl-child education, economic empowerment and community safety.
Eyong noted that beyond policy reforms, UN Women is building partnerships with financial institutions and the private sector to increase access to funding for women-led businesses and community initiatives.
She also highlighted ongoing efforts to strengthen women’s participation in peacebuilding and conflict prevention through Nigeria’s Third National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security.
However, Eyong stressed that meaningful progress will require more than policy declarations.
According to her, Nigeria does not suffer from a shortage of gender policies but from weak implementation, insufficient financing and inconsistent enforcement.
“We must move from commitments to implementation and from plans to measurable impact,” she said.
She called on the media to intensify its role in exposing injustice, amplifying the voices of survivors of violence and promoting women’s leadership across sectors.
Eyong said journalists remain critical partners in shaping national conversations that can influence policy reforms and public attitudes toward gender equality.
“When we secure justice and rights for women, we secure Nigeria’s stability, prosperity and future,” she said.
She added that UN Women remains committed to working with government, civil society, development partners and communities to ensure that the ideals of Rights, Justice and Action translate into tangible change for women and girls across Nigeria.
IWD 2026: UN Women Warns Nigeria’s Democracy at Risk as Women Hold Just 3.9% of Parliamentary Seats
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Zulum Appoints Dr. Sa’id Alkali Kori, 3 others as Chairman, Board Members, Borno Investment Promotion Agency
Zulum Appoints Dr. Sa’id Alkali Kori, 3 others as Chairman, Board Members, Borno Investment Promotion Agency
By: Our Reporter
The earlier statement inadvertently refers to Dr. Sa’id Alkali Kori as the Director General/Chief Executive Officer of the Borno State Investment Promotion Agency, rather than the Chairman/Chief Investment Adviser to the Borno State Governor.
Therefore, this statement supersedes the earlier one.
Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, has approved the appointment of Dr. Sa’id Alkali Kori as Chairman/Chief Investment Adviser to the Borno State Governor.
Dr. Kori is a consummate entrepreneur and investment and infrastructure finance expert, and holds a PhD in Humanities and Social Sciences with a focus on Intellectual Capital from the University of London, United Kingdom.
He serves as the Honorary Special Adviser on International Relations and Investment to the Governor of Yobe State and is the Technical Adviser to the Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum.
Dr. Kori is currently the Chairman and Group Chief Executive Officer of Thinklab Group Limited, a leading innovation and development finance firm. He also serves as the Chairman of the Board for the Nigeria Food Corporation.
He has structured financing in excess of $200 million for critical infrastructure in housing, healthcare, and road networks.
The appointment is for the initial term of four years.
Governor Babagana Umara Zulum has also approved the appointment of Laminu Lawan Awana, Abubakar Ahmed Askira, and Danladi Alfaki Isa as Governing Board members representing the three senatorial zones of the state.
This is in accordance with section 6(b) of the Borno State Investment Promotion Law 2026 (as amended).
The appointees are seasoned professionals in trade and investment, development financing, housing, and mortgage finance.
Other members of the Board include:
A representative from each of the following Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, not below the rank of a Director, as Ex-Officio Members:
· Ministry of Commerce, Trade and Industries
· Borno State Geographic Information Service (BOGIS)
· Ministry of Works
· Ministry of Housing and Energy
· Ministry of Justice
· Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources
· Ministry of Livestock
· Ministry of Planning
· Ministry of Finance
· Ministry of Local Government and Emirate Affairs
- Two (2) representatives from the Organized Private Sector in Borno State.
- The Director-General of the Borno State Investment Promotion Agency will serve as the Secretary.
All the appointments take immediate effect.
Governor Babagana Zulum expressed confidence that, with Dr. Kori’s vast experience and the collective expertise of the board members, the state will be positioned as a hub for domestic and foreign investment and will foster viable Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) to accelerate the State’s economic revitalization and sustainable development.
Zulum Appoints Dr. Sa’id Alkali Kori, 3 others as Chairman, Board Members, Borno Investment Promotion Agency
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Tinubu: The FCT Verdict and Inevitability of 2027
Tinubu: The FCT Verdict and Inevitability of 2027
By Jude Obioha
The 2027 presidential election may still be months away, but its contours are already visible to anyone willing to read the signs. Politics, like history, leaves clues. And the recent Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Area Council elections, alongside parallel electoral exercises in parts of Rivers and Kano States, have provided more than clues. They have offered a preview.
The message from the FCT was neither ambiguous nor accidental.
The All Progressives Congress (APC) secured five of the six chairmanship seats, flipping the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), Bwari, and Kuje from the Peoples Democratic Party, leaving the opposition with only Gwagwalada. In AMAC, the most populous and politically symbolic council in the nation’s capital, the APC did not merely win; it dominated, polling over 40,000 votes, more than triple the tally of its closest challenger. In Nigeria’s political heartbeat, voters spoke with clarity.
This was not just a council election. It was a temperature check. And the temperature suggests that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s political machinery is not only intact but also expanding.
Those who dismiss local elections as inconsequential misunderstand Nigerian political dynamics. The FCT is not just any territory; it is the seat of power, the melting pot of Nigeria’s elite and grassroots political currents. When the ruling party strengthens its grip there, it signals organisational discipline, voter mobilisation capacity, and strategic coherence. It also reveals something more uncomfortable for the opposition: fragmentation. What even makes the victory more compelling is that APC has never won AMAC in Council or the FCT in Presidential elections. But just as it flipped in 2026 for AMAC, this could be the trajectory in 2027, not only in the Nation’s Capital but across the country.
While the APC consolidates, the opposition continues to splinter. Personal ambitions eclipse collective strategy. Coalition talks rise and collapse in cycles of distrust. Meanwhile, key political figures across party lines quietly align with Tinubu’s centre of gravity. Today, more than 30 governors, including some outside the APC fold, are considered allies of the President. In Nigerian politics, that is not a coincidence. It is architecture.
Tinubu did not arrive at this moment by accident. For over two decades, he has cultivated alliances, mentored political actors, built networks that transcend ethnicity and region, and demonstrated a rare capacity for long-term strategy. From Lagos to the national stage, he has shown an ability to think beyond electoral cycles. His 2023 victory was the product of patience and preparation. His governance since then reflects consolidation.
Critics predicted collapse when he removed fuel subsidies and unified the exchange rate. They foresaw a political implosion as reforms tightened liquidity and global inflation surged. Yet, against a backdrop of inherited fiscal strain and near-monetary instability, the administration has steadied the ship of macroeconomics. The Naira has shown signs of recovery. Food prices, while still sensitive, have begun to ease in several markets. Investor confidence is cautiously returning. None of this suggests perfection. But it does signal resilience.
Politics rewards resilience. The FCT results, therefore, are not merely about council chairpersons. They are about perception. Voters in the capital had an opportunity to register a protest. Instead, they reinforced the ruling party. That reinforcement carries symbolic weight. It suggests that, at least for now, the reform pain has not translated into wholesale rejection.
Beyond Abuja, similar patterns in Rivers and Kano further underscore a broader national trend: the ruling party is organised; its rivals are reactive.
If elections were solely about sentiment, 2027 might still be unpredictable. But elections are about structure: polling units, ward agents, coalition discipline, voter databases, and resource mobilisation. On those metrics, the APC appears several steps ahead.
One might even argue, cautiously but realistically, that the next presidential contest is shaping up less like a battlefield and more like a procession, with the final destination a “coronation” of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his second term.
This is not to diminish the democratic imperative of competition. Democracy demands opposition. It thrives on alternatives. But effective opposition requires coherence, not cacophony. At present, Nigeria’s opposition landscape is characterised more by internal recalibration than collective mobilisation.
Tinubu, meanwhile, continues to consolidate elite consensus while maintaining grassroots engagement. His style may be deliberate, sometimes opaque, but it is rarely impulsive. He understands the arithmetic of power: governors influence state machinery; state machinery influences turnout; turnout influences outcomes.
That arithmetic is already aligning. Therefore, to describe his anticipated re-election as a “coronation” may sound dramatic. Yet politics often moves long before ballots are cast. Momentum, once built, acquires its own inevitability. The FCT elections were not the cause of that momentum; they were evidence of it.
Could unforeseen variables emerge? Certainly, Nigerian politics is famously dynamic. Economic shocks, security challenges, or breakthroughs in coalition dynamics can quickly reshape landscapes. But as of today, the trajectory is unmistakable.
President Tinubu has outmanoeuvred rivals before. He has demonstrated the patience to endure criticism and the strategic instinct to expand alliances. With a consolidated ruling party, cross-party gubernatorial alignment, and early electoral signals tilting in his favour, 2027 increasingly appears less a question of “if” and more a question of margin.
History often whispers before it announces. The FCT has whispered. And if the opposition continues on its present course: divided, reactive, and organisationally thin, then the 2027 presidential election may well confirm what these early signals already suggest: that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s second term is not merely probable, but politically inevitable.
Obioha is the Director of Strategy at the Hope Alive Initiative (HAI), a group dedicated to good governance in Nigeria.
Tinubu: The FCT Verdict and Inevitability of 2027
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