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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
By: Michael
Mike
Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.
As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.
I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.
Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.
The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.
The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.
International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.
In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.
The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.
Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.
There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.
Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.
To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.
Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.
Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.
On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.
Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.
As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
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Notorious bandit commander Iliya Mai Rasha killed in Guga battle as death toll among attackers rises
Notorious bandit commander Iliya Mai Rasha killed in Guga battle as death toll among attackers rises
By Zagazola Makama
One of the notorious bandit commanders neutralised during Sunday’s fierce gun battle between security forces and armed bandits in Guga Village, Bakori Local Government Area of Katsina State, has been identified as Iliya Mai Rasha, a notorious criminal linked to several deadly attacks in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State.
Intelligence sources told Zagazola Makama that Mai Rasha was among the senior bandit commanders who joined the assault on Guga at the invitation of notorious kingpin Idi Abasu Aiki.
The sources said the attack, which occurred at about 5:40 p.m. on July 26, involved more than 200 heavily armed bandits drawn from criminal networks operating across Katsina and neighbouring Zamfara State.
However, a combined force of local hunters, the Katsina State Community Watch Corps (KSCWC), and troops of the Nigerian Army’s 17 Brigade mounted a coordinated response, engaging the attackers in a prolonged gun battle that forced them to retreat with heavy losses.
Security sources said more than 40 bandits were neutralised during the encounter, including at least eight senior commanders, while Idi Abasu Aiki reportedly sustained life-threatening gunshot wounds.
The killing of Iliya Mai Rasha is considered a significant operational success, as he had long been linked to violent attacks, kidnappings and other criminal activities in Tsafe and adjoining communities in Zamfara State.
The operation, according to the sources, has dealt a major blow to the criminal network operating across the Katsina–Zamfara axis, with follow-up clearance operations continuing to recover abandoned weapons and pursue fleeing bandits.
Five members of the hunters’ team were, however, killed during the operation after they were caught outside the frontline, highlighting the heavy sacrifice made by local security volunteers in defending their communities. Military authorities and the Katsina State Government have continued to commend the courage of the troops, hunters and community watch personnel who repelled the attack and restored calm to the affected area.
Notorious bandit commander Iliya Mai Rasha killed in Guga battle as death toll among attackers rises
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ICPC Pushes Fresh Anti-Corruption Reforms in Health, Education, Warns Against Weak Governance
ICPC Pushes Fresh Anti-Corruption Reforms in Health, Education, Warns Against Weak Governance
By: Michael Mike
The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) has intensified its preventive anti-corruption campaign, unveiling three follow-up assessment reports that expose lingering governance gaps in Nigeria’s health and education sectors while urging sweeping institutional reforms to strengthen accountability and service delivery.
The reports, presented in Abuja on Monday, reviewed the implementation of earlier anti-corruption recommendations issued to the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA), the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA), the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) and selected State Universal Basic Education Boards (SUBEBs).
Speaking at the presentation, ICPC Chairman, Dr. Musa Aliyu (SAN), said the exercise underscored the Commission’s growing emphasis on preventing corruption by strengthening institutional systems rather than relying solely on prosecutions.

Aliyu explained that the Commission’s mandate under the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act empowers it to identify vulnerabilities within public institutions and recommend reforms capable of preventing corruption before it occurs.
He said the follow-up assessments measured the extent to which previous recommendations had been implemented, identified areas of progress, highlighted unresolved weaknesses and proposed further reforms to improve institutional performance.
“The value of system studies and corruption risk assessments lies not merely in producing reports but in implementing their recommendations. Their true impact is measured by improvements in governance, accountability, transparency, operational efficiency and service delivery,” he said.
According to him, the reviews were not designed to apportion blame but to encourage continuous institutional improvement and reinforce accountability across government agencies.
Aliyu noted that the NHIA, NPHCDA and UBEC were selected because of their strategic roles in delivering essential healthcare and education services to millions of Nigerians, stressing that stronger governance in the agencies would help safeguard public funds, improve service delivery and restore public confidence in government institutions.
While acknowledging that the institutions had implemented several recommendations from previous assessments, he maintained that significant reforms were still required.
He commended the leadership of the agencies for the progress recorded and urged them to sustain the reform momentum by implementing outstanding recommendations.
“The fight against corruption cannot be won through enforcement alone. Sustainable success depends on building resilient institutions with transparent systems, robust internal controls, effective oversight mechanisms and a culture of accountability,” Aliyu said.
He reaffirmed the Commission’s commitment to collaborating with Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), oversight institutions, development partners and civil society organisations to ensure effective implementation and monitoring of the recommendations.
Aliyu also acknowledged the support of the European Union-backed Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption (RoLAC II) Programme and the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), which partnered with the Commission on the review process.
Earlier, the Lead Director of the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), Eze Onyekpere, warned that corruption risk assessments would have little impact unless their recommendations translated into measurable institutional reforms.
He explained that the reviews formed part of the European Union-supported Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Programme II aimed at strengthening Nigeria’s anti-corruption processes at both national and sub-national levels.
Onyekpere identified persistent corruption risks across the health and education sectors, including leakages in health insurance payments, diversion of medicines and vaccines, ghost workers in primary healthcare facilities, fraudulent enrolment practices, procurement irregularities, abandoned school projects and weak oversight of public funds.
He described corruption risk assessments as critical diagnostic tools that enable governments to detect and address systemic weaknesses before they undermine public service delivery.
“Our collective responsibility is to ensure that NHIA resources provide quality healthcare to beneficiaries, that medicines and vaccines reach intended patients, and that UBEC funds translate into better classrooms, improved learning outcomes and a brighter future for Nigerian children,” he said.
Onyekpere advocated wider deployment of digital governance systems, including integrated platforms that would allow citizens to monitor health insurance enrolment, primary healthcare services and education projects in real time.
He also recommended the institutionalisation of end-to-end electronic procurement, stronger whistleblower protection, improved staff welfare and capacity building, enhanced independent oversight mechanisms and greater deployment of technology to reduce human discretion in public administration.
Also speaking, Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, Prof. Tunji Olaopa, said corruption prevention through institutional reforms offers a more sustainable solution than relying exclusively on law enforcement.
He commended the ICPC for prioritising system reviews and integrity plans, noting that transparent governance structures remain the strongest defence against corruption.
Olaopa urged public institutions to embrace technology-driven governance, transparent recruitment, conflict-of-interest declarations, stronger internal audit systems and ethical leadership, while challenging government agencies to move beyond mere compliance and institutionalise continuous reforms that promote prudent management of public resources.
The latest ICPC reports come amid increasing calls for public sector reforms as concerns grow over leakages, inefficiency and weak accountability in critical sectors responsible for healthcare and education delivery across the country.
ICPC Pushes Fresh Anti-Corruption Reforms in Health, Education, Warns Against Weak Governance
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ECOWAS Sounds Alarm as 90% of West Africa’s Economy Remains Informal
ECOWAS Sounds Alarm as 90% of West Africa’s Economy Remains Informal
…Parliament pushes sweeping reforms to unlock MSMEs, create jobs, tackle insecurity
By: Michael Mike
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Parliament has raised concern over the dominance of the informal sector in West Africa, warning that nearly 90 per cent of economic activities and at least 60 per cent of the region’s workforce remain outside the formal economy, a situation lawmakers said is undermining economic growth, job creation and regional competitiveness.
The parliament on Monday called for far-reaching policy reforms to formalise and strengthen Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), describing the sector as central to achieving economic transformation, reducing poverty and addressing insecurity across the sub-region.

The warning came at the opening of a Joint Committee meeting of the ECOWAS Parliament in Cotonou, Republic of Benin, where lawmakers, policy experts, private sector operators and development partners began deliberations on strategies to integrate millions of informal businesses into the formal economy.
Delivering the opening remarks on behalf of the Joint Committee on Industry and Private Sector, Macroeconomic Policy and Economic Research, Administration, Finance and Budget, and Public Accounts, Co-Chairperson, Hon. Alhagie Darbo said the statistics reflected both the entrepreneurial resilience of West Africans and the failure of existing policies to support business growth.
According to him, while MSMEs remain the backbone of local economies by creating jobs, driving innovation, promoting entrepreneurship, empowering women and youths and facilitating cross-border trade, the overwhelming majority continue to operate informally, preventing them from accessing finance, technology, markets, business support services and legal protection.
“It is estimated that the informal sector accounts for nearly 90 per cent of economic activities and employs not less than 60 per cent of our labour force across member states,” Darbo said.
“While this demonstrates the entrepreneurial spirit of our people, it also highlights the urgent need to create enabling policies that encourage formalisation, improve productivity and integrate MSMEs into regional and continental value chains.”
He stressed that formalising small businesses was no longer just an economic objective but a strategic necessity for poverty reduction, sustainable development and regional integration.
Darbo urged ECOWAS member states to dismantle barriers limiting the growth of MSMEs through harmonised policies, improved access to finance, digital transformation, stronger productive capacity and greater participation in regional value chains under both the ECOWAS Trade Liberalisation Scheme (ETLS) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
He noted that the objectives align with ECOWAS Vision 2050, the regional bloc’s long-term development agenda aimed at building a peaceful, prosperous and fully integrated West Africa driven by inclusive economic growth.
Declaring the meeting open, Speaker of the ECOWAS Parliament, Hon. Hadja Memounatou Ibrahima, represented by Second Deputy Speaker Hon. Adjaratou Coulibaly, linked economic empowerment to the region’s growing security challenges.
She argued that expanding opportunities for women and young people through thriving MSMEs would help reduce unemployment and address some of the underlying drivers of insecurity confronting several ECOWAS member states.
According to her, empowering citizens to participate meaningfully in economic activities is one of the most effective long-term strategies for promoting peace and stability in the region.
The committee is expected to produce recommendations for consideration by ECOWAS institutions and member states, with the aim of creating a more business-friendly environment capable of accelerating industrialisation, boosting intra-African trade and making West African economies more globally competitive.
MSMEs account for more than 90 per cent of businesses in many African countries and are recognised as the largest source of employment outside government. Despite their importance, many operate in the informal economy because of burdensome regulations, multiple taxation, inadequate infrastructure, limited access to affordable finance and weak institutional support.
The challenge has become more pressing as ECOWAS intensifies efforts to deepen regional integration through the ECOWAS Trade Liberalisation Scheme and the African Continental Free Trade Area, both of which require competitive and formalised businesses capable of participating in cross-border commerce.
Economic experts have repeatedly argued that bringing more businesses into the formal sector would expand government revenues, improve access to credit, strengthen productivity and position West Africa to compete more effectively in the global economy.
ECOWAS Sounds Alarm as 90% of West Africa’s Economy Remains Informal
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