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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

By: Michael
Mike

Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.

As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.

I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.

Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.

The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.

The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.

International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.

In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.

The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.

Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.

There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.

Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.

To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.

Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.

On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.

As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.

FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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Northern Christian Youth Professionals Back Arewa Youth Inclusion Campaign, Rally Support for Tinubu 2027

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Northern Christian Youth Professionals Back Arewa Youth Inclusion Campaign, Rally Support for Tinubu 2027

By: Michael Mike

Ahead of the 2027 general elections, the Northern Christian Youth Professionals (NCYP) has thrown its weight behind the Arewa Youth Inclusion Advocacy Campaign, calling for broader participation of young people from the region in governance, political decision-making and national development.

The organisation, which describes itself as the first Christian political organisation to publicly endorse the Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket of President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima ahead of the 2023 election, said it would continue to promote political inclusion, dialogue and constructive engagement as the country moves towards another electoral cycle.

NCYP formally joined the coalition of the Arewa Democratic Stakeholders Forum at a National Leadership Council meeting, where the forum’s leadership also endorsed the Arewa Youth Inclusion Advocacy Campaign being championed by Comrade Haruna Sardauna.

The development brings the organisation into a broader coalition comprising more than 329 political support groups, faith-based organisations and civil society organisations operating under the umbrella of the Arewa Democratic Stakeholders Forum.

NCYP National Chairman, Isaac Abrak, who led the organisation’s meeting in Abuja, described the coalition as an important platform for bringing together diverse stakeholders to articulate the political, economic and developmental interests of the North while contributing to Nigeria’s democratic process.

Abrak told members that the Arewa Democratic Stakeholders Forum had commenced consultations and strategic engagements with Northern and national stakeholders, including senior officials of the Tinubu administration and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

He said the engagements were aimed at creating channels through which stakeholders could present their concerns to government and participate more meaningfully in discussions concerning governance and the country’s political future.

The NCYP chairman also revisited the organisation’s controversial decision to support the Tinubu-Shettima ticket in 2023 despite widespread opposition to the Muslim-Muslim presidential arrangement among sections of the Christian community.

“In early 2022, when many Christian bodies and stakeholders all rejected the Muslim-Muslim ticket, we almost single-handedly sold it to our people—the Northern Christians. Most of the Christian votes were as a result of our campaign,” Abrak said.

He explained that the organisation’s decision was based on what it described as patriotism, national unity and the belief that religious differences should not permanently determine political participation or access to governance.

According to him, NCYP was fully aware of the controversy generated by the Muslim-Muslim ticket but chose to support it because it believed that Northern Christians should remain active participants in Nigeria’s political process.

Abrak said members of the organisation subsequently faced condemnation and hostility from some Christian groups and individuals because of their position, describing the experience as a sacrifice made in pursuit of what they considered a broader national interest.

He argued, however, that the subsequent inclusion of Northern Christians in the Tinubu administration, government programmes and policy initiatives demonstrated that the decision to participate in the political process had not been misplaced.

The NCYP leader stressed that the organisation’s support for Tinubu and the APC was not motivated by the expectation of appointments or personal benefits.

“We did not support the ticket because we wanted appointments. We supported it because we believed Northern Christians must be part of the political process and because we believed Nigeria’s development should not be held hostage by religious divisions,” he said.

While reaffirming the group’s allegiance to the APC, Abrak said political support must also translate into meaningful participation, arguing that individuals and organisations that contributed to the party’s electoral successes deserved to be recognised and given opportunities to participate in governance and political structures.

He therefore appealed to the Presidency and APC leadership to pay greater attention to the concerns of stakeholders across Northern Nigeria and ensure that their contributions are reflected in opportunities for political participation, youth empowerment and governance.

Abrak also urged leaders of APC support groups across the North to join the Arewa Democratic Stakeholders Forum, arguing that a united platform would give political stakeholders greater leverage in advocating youth inclusion and other regional interests.

The NCYP chairman disclosed that he was part of a delegation that recently met with the Minister of Youth Development for dialogue and strategic consultations, describing continued engagement between youth organisations and government as critical to addressing the concerns of young Nigerians.

He said NCYP had also resolved to abandon confrontational approaches to political advocacy, opting instead for dialogue, consultation and strategic engagement.

According to him, unnecessary confrontation among political stakeholders could create tension, weaken internal cohesion and ultimately undermine the collective interests of supporters working for the APC ahead of the 2027 elections.

As part of the formalisation of the new partnership, Abrak constituted a five-man committee mandated to meet with the National Chairman of the Arewa Democratic Stakeholders Forum, Haruna Sardauna, during the week.

The committee is expected to present the partnership agreement and NCYP’s formal endorsement of the Arewa Youth Inclusion Advocacy Campaign.

The organisation said the partnership would strengthen advocacy for the political inclusion of Arewa youths and expand their participation in governance and decision-making ahead of the 2027 elections.

It also reaffirmed its support for President Tinubu’s re-election bid, expressing optimism that a united stakeholder platform and sustained engagement with government would create greater opportunities for young people across Northern Nigeria while deepening democratic participation.

The latest move places youth inclusion at the centre of the group’s political mobilisation strategy, while signalling its determination to consolidate the support of Northern Christian stakeholders for the Tinubu administration ahead of the 2027 presidential contest.

Northern Christian Youth Professionals Back Arewa Youth Inclusion Campaign, Rally Support for Tinubu 2027

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LIFE-ND Secures $32m Additional Funding, Records 95% Loan Disbursement

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LIFE-ND Secures $32m Additional Funding, Records 95% Loan Disbursement

By: Michael Mike

The Livelihood Improvement and Family Enterprises Project in the Niger Delta (LIFE-ND) has secured an additional $32 million financing from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) as the intervention records 95 per cent disbursement of its original IFAD loan and expands the deployment of digital and artificial intelligence-powered agricultural advisory services.

The development was disclosed in Abuja as the Federal Government, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and IFAD commenced the sixth Joint Supervision Mission of the LIFE-ND project, a month-long exercise designed to assess implementation, resolve emerging challenges and draw lessons for the proposed second phase of the programme.

The additional financing, alongside a three-year extension, has raised the total LIFE-ND project budget from its original $97.8 million to $129.8 million, providing additional resources for expanding livelihood interventions among rural households, women and young agripreneurs across the Niger Delta.

Launched in February 2019, LIFE-ND was conceived against the backdrop of persistent livelihood and economic challenges confronting rural communities in the Niger Delta, where large sections of the population depend on agriculture and related activities but often face limited access to productive assets, finance, markets, modern technologies, skills and sustainable employment opportunities.

The project seeks to address these constraints by strengthening rural agricultural enterprises and creating pathways through which young people and women can move from subsistence-level activities into commercially viable agribusinesses.

Rather than relying solely on conventional training, LIFE-ND adopted an enterprise-incubator model, through which established and successful agribusinesses serve as mentors and coaches for younger people seeking to enter agriculture.

Under the model, mature enterprises provide practical exposure and business guidance to apprentices, allowing beneficiaries to acquire skills within functioning businesses while developing the experience required to establish or expand their own enterprises.

The project set a target of developing 900 mature enterprises to serve as incubators for 38,250 apprentices. Of this number, 25,500 are targeted across six IFAD-funded states, while another 12,750 are expected to benefit from interventions in three states supported by the NDDC.

The approach reflects a broader effort by the Federal Government and its development partners to make agriculture more attractive to young Nigerians by shifting perceptions of farming from subsistence activity towards commercially driven agribusiness and employment.

The latest project assessment indicates that the intervention is already producing measurable economic results.

According to LIFE-ND, 74 per cent of participating households recorded increased agricultural production, while 74 per cent of rural enterprises reported higher profits.

The project also reported that 82.8 per cent of participating households adopted improved agricultural technologies, demonstrating increased uptake of modern production practices among beneficiaries.

Technology has increasingly become an important component of the programme, particularly as climate variability, changing weather patterns and limited access to timely agricultural information continue to affect smallholder farmers.

More than 18,000 beneficiaries now receive real-time weather updates, while a pilot artificial intelligence-powered digital advisory system has reached 2,177 farmers.

The AI-supported intervention is designed to provide farmers with timely agricultural advice and information that can assist them in making better production decisions.

Women constitute 42 per cent of farmers reached through the pilot, while men account for 58 per cent.

The project’s intervention has also extended beyond production and enterprise development to nutrition and social inclusion.

Participation in its nutrition interventions has reached 135 per cent of the original target, while 86 per cent of participating women achieved minimum dietary diversity—well above the project’s initial target of 50 per cent.

Youth training has similarly exceeded expectations, with the number of young people comprehensively trained in crop production reaching 181 per cent of the target.

The programme has also reported improved access to agricultural land among participating incubatees, addressing one of the major constraints that can prevent young people from converting agricultural skills into viable enterprises.

Financial management has been another area of reported progress.

LIFE-ND said it had achieved 95 per cent disbursement of the original IFAD loan, attributing the performance to computerised accounting systems, compliance with audit requirements and adherence to approved work plans.

The project’s fifth Supervision Mission, conducted late last year, rated the programme “moderately satisfactory”, reflecting what the implementing partners described as encouraging progress while recognising areas requiring further attention.

The new financing represents a significant vote of confidence in the intervention.

Under the expanded financing arrangement, IFAD’s total contribution, comprising the original and additional financing, stands at $92 million. The NDDC is providing $30 million, the Federal Government $3 million, while state governments are contributing $4.8 million as counterpart funding, bringing the overall project budget to $129.8 million.

The NDDC has also disbursed two consecutive tranches of its contribution, a development expected to strengthen project implementation and demonstrate the importance of coordinated financing between government institutions and international development partners.

The sixth Joint Supervision Mission, which runs from September 1 to 30, is consequently taking place at an important point in the project’s evolution.

The exercise is expected to examine implementation across the participating states, identify bottlenecks and determine how successful components can be strengthened and scaled up.

The mission team, under the leadership of IFAD Country Director and Representative in Nigeria, Dede Ekoue, includes technical specialists in agribusiness, livestock, gender, youth development, financial management, procurement and information and communication technology for development.

As part of the field activities, the team is scheduled to travel to Asaba, Delta State, from September 2 to 8.

Among the technical leads are Abdoulaye Gonde, Project Technical Lead and Global Technical Specialist for Livestock, and Adeline Muheebwa, Lead Consultant and Programme Management Expert.

A major objective of the mission is to ensure that the experience accumulated during the implementation of LIFE-ND is not lost but translated into a stronger framework for a potential second phase.

The team will therefore document lessons learned and best practices, while also working to resolve active implementation bottlenecks and update the Procurement Risk Matrix and Integrated Project Risk Matrix.

At the end of the exercise, the partners are expected to produce an official Aide-Memoire, a comprehensive Mission Report and updated project performance indicators to guide subsequent interventions.

The significance of the programme extends beyond the number of farmers and enterprises directly reached. For the Niger Delta, where rural livelihoods are closely connected to agriculture, strengthening the capacity of young people and women to participate in productive enterprises has implications for household incomes, food security, employment and community resilience.

The LIFE-ND model also seeks to address a longstanding challenge in agricultural development: ensuring that training is connected to actual economic opportunities. By linking apprentices with established enterprises, the programme attempts to bridge the gap between acquiring agricultural knowledge and building sustainable businesses.

The additional $32 million therefore comes at a critical stage, as the government and its development partners seek to consolidate the gains recorded since the project began in 2019 and expand interventions that have demonstrated tangible results.

For the FGN, NDDC and IFAD, the immediate challenge will be to translate the reported achievements into a broader and more sustainable rural transformation programme capable of reaching more women and young people, strengthening agricultural value chains and creating enterprises that can survive beyond project funding.

The sixth supervision mission is expected to provide the operational and strategic roadmap for achieving that objective, while the proposed second phase could determine whether the innovations developed under LIFE-ND—particularly its enterprise-incubator model and emerging digital and AI advisory systems—can be taken to a much larger scale across the Niger Delta.

LIFE-ND Secures $32m Additional Funding, Records 95% Loan Disbursement

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That Curious Attack On Mustapha Gubio.

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That Curious Attack On Mustapha Gubio.

By: Inuwa Bwala.

It was both chilling and curious, leaving many people still asking, the obvious question about what could be the motive behind last weeks attack on the convoy of Engineer Mustapha Gubio, governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, for Borno state.

It is a truism that Boko Haram/ISWAP have been operating in Borno since 2009, especially in the Lake Chad axis, and the Gubio-Kareto-Damasak highway in northern Borno has been volatile.

It is a known fact that, the attackers often target soft spots and unguarded personnel.
But targetting Gubio and his entourage which was returning to Maiduguri after a thank-you tour to APC members in Damasak, headquarters of Mobbar Local Government Area, following his emergence as the party’s consensus candidate, is curious and worrisome.

It is not enough to say, that, the route has been plied by the state governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, who has survived many such attacks.

Gubio’s convoy may not be less fortified, but against the background of our experiences and the fact that we have not experienced such in a long time, makes it more curious to ask, if Gubio is a particular target.

According to the Police, the convoy was targeted with Improvised Explosive Devices and Rocket Propelled Grenades, which again makes it obvious that the attack was premeditated.

A police armoured vehicle leading the convoy detonated a landmine and was badly damaged, which adds another angle to the possibility of a well planned ambush, that was not meant to give the candidate any chance of escape.

The attackers were said to have laid ambush with planted IEDs targeting the convoy and also fired several RPGs, implying a more organized act, different from the hitherto rag tag approach of Boko Haram or ISWAP.

Thanks to the combined team of soldiers, police, NSCDC, DSS, Civilian JTF and vigilante groups, who counter-engaged the attackers and forced them to retreat into the surrounding bush. A scan of the surrounding by Police tactical operatives who cleared the route to neutralise secondary explosive threats, points to the sophistication of Gubio’s security network.

AAlthough, no casualty was recorded among Gubio’s, government officials, or other political stakeholders in the entourage, it remains a terrifying moment, and one may be tempted to ask, who wants Gubio, dead?

One may say, that, the attack highlights the persistent security threat along the 156km Gubio-Kareto-Damasak corridor, a route long regarded as a flashpoint due to insurgent activity, but given our experiences with the targetting of political leaders in the past, a curious mind may not dismiss this as one of such cases of random incidents.

This is not the first time a high-profile Borno politician has been targeted. It may be recalled that, in the build up to the 2011 elections, the governorship candidate of the same ruling party, the APC, was ambushed and killed.

Several other politicians and businessmen had been targeted and killed in very curious circumstances.

As recent as 2020, the convoy of Governor Babagana Zulum was attacked near Baga, and the real circumstances surrounding the incident have remained cloudy.

To sweep this one under the carpet, as a mere Boko Haram ISWAP attack: to me may leave a window open for further mischief.
I have known Engineer Mustapha Gubio, as a consumate gentleman, who cannot hurt a fly.

His emergence as APC’s flagbearer has a lot of prospects, given his pledge to consolidate on Governor Zulum’s achievements in security, resettlement, education and agriculture.

I am aware that investigators may not have not named any individual or political actor behind the attack for now, but citizens are eager.

While accusing fingers point in the direction of Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists, who may be seeking to destabilize the 2027 political process, a deeper linning could prop up another dangerous design.

As Borno counts its blessings that Gubio survived, the poser remains: Who wants Gubio dead? Until this is resolved and the terrorist, who may be mere canonfodders are fully uprooted, candidates, voters, and convoys will continue to move under the shadow of that question.

That Curious Attack On Mustapha Gubio.

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