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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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12 months ago

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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

By: Michael
Mike

Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.

As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.

I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.

Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.

The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.

The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.

International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.

In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.

The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.

Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.

There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.

Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.

To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.

Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.

On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.

As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.

FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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Tinubu commissions Borno’s projects, says Zulum’s performance exceptional

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11 minutes ago

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December 21, 2025

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Tinubu commissions Borno’s projects, says Zulum’s performance exceptional

By: Michael Mike

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Saturday commissioned three newly constructed mega schools and a fleet of 620 fully electric vehicles and tricycles delivered by the governor of Borno State, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum.

During the commissioning ceremony, which was performed separately, President Tinubu commended Governor Zulum for his transformative leadership.

The president said: “I congratulate the Governor and the people of Borno State for this transformation. Government is all about people, and Professor Zulum is doing a very good job of caring for people.” 

The president highlighted the projects as tangible evidence of effective governance and a blueprint for holistic state development.

The commissioned schools include Mafoni Day Secondary School, Bola Ahmed Tinubu Government Day Secondary School and Mafoni Primary School.

They are part of Governor Zulum’s ambitious 104 Mega School Initiative designed to drastically improve access to quality education and rebuild the sector after over a decade of insurgency.

Each of the facilities is equipped with modern classrooms, laboratories, libraries, sports facilities and an administrative complex to create a conducive learning environment.

The president also commissioned the international terminal of the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport, Maiduguri, in preparation for the commencement of international operations.

Governor Zulum, in his response, expressed gratitude for the federal government’s support and reiterated his administration’s commitment to rebuilding Borno’s infrastructure, economy and human capital.

The event was attended by federal and state officials, traditional rulers and community leaders.

President Tinubu concluded his state visit by attending the wedding ceremony of former Borno State Governor Sheriff’s son, conducted at the Maiduguri Central Mosque.

Tinubu commissions Borno’s projects, says Zulum’s performance exceptional

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Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

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15 minutes ago

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December 21, 2025

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Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

By Chukwuemeka B. Eze and Jeggan Gray Johnson

West Africa stands today at a troubling crossroads where democratic aspirations collide with deep geopolitical tensions, failing institutions, and a new wave of military interventions- raising legitimate questions of the region’s democratic trajectory fifty years after its formation. Have we plateaued or plummeted into the age of the erosion of established normative procedures and democratic institutions, or is the regional experiment in a stage of reflection of deeper, ongoing challenges? Are citizens confronting systems that they perceive as imperial impositions and using whatever means available to them to resist? Or are they facing a crisis of democracy itself, a legitimacy crisis stemming from civil rule that often masks authoritarian tendencies? Why are military coups predominantly re-emerging in Francophone countries? Is this a coincidence, or does it reveal unresolved histories of external influence, entrenched political economies or distinctive patterns of state–society relations in these contexts? In whose name and under whose mandate do political elites continue to hold power? Why are we so quick to dismiss the military as being outside of the political system when, in fact, it is an institution shaped by the same social, economic and political dynamics as the rest of society? To what extent does our discourse artificially separate civilians from soldiers, rather than examining the broader governance ecosystem that produces both?

Citizens increasingly find themselves trapped between three unappealing forces—the entrenched culture of ‘electoral despotism’, external imperial influence and internal military domination. The trilateral dilemma has produced a disturbing condition: a choiceless choice, where none of the options seem incapable of delivering stability, dignity, peace and security or even genuine sovereignty.

The Long Shadow of Imperialism: More than six decades after independence, imperial legacies remain deeply embedded in West Africa’s political and economic structures. Former colonial powers continue to exert influence through aid conditionalities, control of extractive industries, military cooperation agreements, and political alliances that safeguard their strategic interests. In countries like Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Benin, resentment toward external interference; particularly from France has grown into a widespread political sentiment.

Economic dependence, currency constraints (such as the CFA franc), and foreign troops stationed on African soil reinforce the perception that the region’s sovereignty remains compromised. This has created fertile ground for anti-imperialist rhetoric, often championed by populist actors and military juntas who exploit these grievances to gain legitimacy.

The Return of Soldiers to Politics: The last decade has seen a resurgence of military takeovers in the region. Coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, representing a largest coup belt in the world, and recently attempted interventions in Benin- a socio-political enigma and Guinea Bissau- the region’s narco-state, reflect a collapse of public trust in democratic systems perceived as kleptocratic, ineffective, and elite-controlled. Many West Africans, frustrated by insecurity, poverty, and government failure, initially welcomed soldiers as “corrective forces.” But military rule often replaces one form of authoritarianism with another and characterised by restricted freedoms, politicized security apparatus, uncertain transition timelines, limited economic vision and opportunity, heavy reliance on foreign military partners (Russia, Turkey, Gulf states) and debt, overshadowed by a youth bulge threatening to burst at the seams. e. Thus, the promise of liberation from imperialism frequently gives way to new dependencies and domestic authoritarianism, and ultimately, policy incoherence, confusion and instability.

The Choiceless Choice: The tragedy is that citizens are forced to choose between very difficult and perhaps inferior alternatives: Imperialism, which undermines sovereignty and reinforces structural inequalities, the electoral despotism- where power remains concentrated within a cabal or small host of elites, and Military rule, which suspends constitutional order and democratic rights. All option addresses the core issues driving instability: weak governance, unemployment, fractured national identities, extremist threats, and the absence of economic diversification. In this vacuum, West Africans face a situation where every available choice feels imposed, not freely made.

The Geopolitical Chessboard: Part of the crisis stems from the region’s growing importance in global geopolitics. West Africa has become a stage for competition among major powers: France and the EU seek to preserve influence, The United States prioritizes counterterrorism, Russia positions itself as an anti-West alternative, China expands via infrastructure loans, and the eventual confiscation of strategic minerals anchored in the blue and green economies, Gulf states and Turkey enter with economic and military interests and the list continues to expand. These competing agendas pull governments in different directions, leaving citizens with little say over the region’s strategic direction.
The Decline of Democratic Credibility: Democracy in West Africa is in crisis not merely because of coups, but because a leadership pandemic. The region has a critical and morally bankrupt leadership. of Manipulated constitutions, electoral fraud, corruption scandals, and impunity have hollowed out institutions. When democratic governments fail to deliver development or justice, the military’s rhetoric of “rescue missions” becomes appealing. Yet these interventions ultimately produce another cycle of disillusionment.

What Real Sovereignty Requires: Breaking this cycle demands a new political imagination—one rooted in African agency, not external dictates or military paternalism. A pathway to genuine sovereignty includes: Strengthening democratic institutions beyond elections, economic independence, especially through value-added industries, regional security cooperation less reliant on external forces, civic education and accountability systems, that are citizenry driven, that restore public trust, as well as a pan-African political consciousness capable of resisting both imperial pressure and internal authoritarianism. The future depends on reclaiming democracy as a tool of liberation, not a façade for elite capture.

Conclusion: West Africa’s tragedy is not that it lacks alternatives, but that the region’s political trajectory has become trapped between two dominant and deeply flawed forces. Imperialism continues to shape its geopolitics and economy, while military rulers exploit public frustration to consolidate power. Together, they create a choiceless political reality where citizens struggle to find a path that protects both sovereignty and freedom. Yet within this crisis lies an opportunity: the chance to articulate a new political vision grounded in bold leadership, accountable governance, and regional solidarity. Reimagining democracy means going beyond periodic elections. It means nurturing institutions that are stronger than individuals and ensuring that power remains accountable to the people. It means prioritizing people’s power over that of statesmen, strengthening judicial independence, fortifying the institutions meant to protect democracy and ensuring that the exercise of power after elections truly serves citizens. Only then can West Africans move beyond the suffocating binary of imperialism and soldiers—and reclaim the right to choose their own future.

Chukwuemeka B. Eze is the Director for Democratic Futures in Africa and Jeggan Grey Johnson, Advocacy Advisor at the Open Society Foundations

Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

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New drug test policy for schools will cut down substance abuse among youth – Marwa

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22 minutes ago

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December 21, 2025

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New drug test policy for schools will cut down substance abuse among youth – Marwa

By: Michael Mike

Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa (rtd) has said that the newly launched drug test policy for schools in Nigeria will discourage illicit substances abuse by young Nigerians especially those aspiring for higher education.

Marwa stated this weekend when he received the Vice Chancellor of the Taraba State University, Professor Sunday Bako who led a team of his management staff to seek partnership with the anti-narcotics agency on the fight against substance abuse and illicit drug trafficking.

The NDLEA boss, said: “We’re glad to work and partner with you, your university and the Taraba state government on this matter and it’s a good thing that what you’re doing aligns with the new national policy for tertiary institutions that includes compulsory and random drug integrity tests for students. This initiative is a joint effort between the Federal Ministry of Education and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) to combat substance abuse among young people in schools across the country.

“At the NDLEA, we have been pushing for this and we’re happy we have a dependable partner in the Minister of Education and members of his team who worked with us and supported us on this. This is not in anyway punitive but a strategic push that will largely discourage our youths from going into substance abuse because they know at every stage of their education, they will face compulsory drug test.

“We are fully prepared to work with all schools to ensure the success of this great initiative that will make positive impact on youth development, security and national productivity in line with the renewed hope agenda of President Bola Tinubu.”

He commended the VC for leading the pack by establishing a full Directorate of Narcotics and Drug Abuse Prohibition in the institution, with a promise to support his efforts through capacity building training and other areas of collaboration.

In his remarks, Bako commended the Marwa leadership of NDLEA for its professionalism, openness and collaborative spirit, which has earned the agency both national and international accolades.

He said: @We are particularly pleased to visit at a time when your excellent and unwavering commitment in the fight against drugs and illicit substances abuse/trafficking earns you another five years of tenure renewal. Your relentless efforts in combatting substance abuse have contributed significantly to protecting our youths and preserving the future of our nation.”

He noted that his visit was borne out of his concern about the challenge of drug and substance abuse among young people, which poses serious threat to academic excellence, moral values, and national development.

The VC said: “This visit seeks to strengthen the relationship between Taraba State University, Jalingo and the National Drug law Enforcement Agency which started way back since 22nd August, 2024 during the inauguration of the Directorate of Narcotics and Drug Abuse Prohibition and the launch of WADA by the NDLEA Taraba state command, as well as the TSU Drug Free Club patrons/officials.

“We firmly believe that effective drug control and prevention require a multi-sectoral approach involving law enforcement agencies, academic institutions, and the wider society.

In this regard, Taraba State University is eager to partner with your agency in areas such as collaborative research on drug abuse and substance use disorder, policy-oriented studies, public enlightenment and sensitization programmes, capacity building training, student internship opportunities, and community outreach initiatives within Taraba state and beyond. Partnership with the NDLEA will further strengthen our institutional policies and programmes in this critical area.”

New drug test policy for schools will cut down substance abuse among youth – Marwa

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