News
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
By: Michael
Mike
Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.
As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.
I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.
Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.
The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.
The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.
International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.
In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.
The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.
Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.
There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.
Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.
To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.
Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.
Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.
On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.
Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.
As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
News
NRM Presidential Aspirant Faduri Declares 2027 Ambition, Vows To Rescue Nigeria From ‘Political Elites’
NRM Presidential Aspirant Faduri Declares 2027 Ambition, Vows To Rescue Nigeria From ‘Political Elites’
By: Our Reporter
Faduri Oluwadare Joseph, popularly known as Fadojoe, has formally declared his intention to contest the 2027 presidential election under the platform of the National Rescue Movement (NRM), promising what he described as “people-first leadership” to pull Nigeria back from economic decline and insecurity.
In a speech announcing his ambitionnon Wednesday, the sociologist and US-based healthcare executive said Nigeria was “bleeding” and required urgent rescue from years of corruption, mismanagement and what he called recycled political leadership.
Faduri, who hails from Ipetu-Ijesha in Osun State, recounted his early life struggles, revealing that he lost his father at the age of four and his mother at fourteen.
A graduate of Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, Faduri also stated that he is a licensed nurse in New York, United States, and currently serves as CEO of F Planet Group USA, with interests spanning healthcare, consulting, foundation work and film production.
Referencing Nigeria’s founding leaders—Nnamdi Azikiwe, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Obafemi Awolowo—the presidential hopeful said the country had drifted far from the ideals of a true republic envisioned at independence.
According to him, Nigeria has degenerated into a nation where poverty, youth unemployment, insecurity and currency depreciation have replaced the prosperity and unity of earlier decades.
Faduri blamed Nigeria’s challenges on systemic corruption and leadership failure, arguing that personal interests have consistently been placed above national interest.
He questioned the continued dysfunction of state assets such as refineries and the Ajaokuta Steel project, asking why thousands of workers are still paid in non-functional institutions while the country depends heavily on private interests and foreign services.
The NRM aspirant disclosed that he previously joined the Labour Party ahead of the 2023 elections and contributed to building the platform that produced Mr. Peter Obi as presidential candidate, but stepped down in the interest of unity.
Quoting American civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., he said leadership must be measured by courage in times of crisis, insisting that Nigeria now needs decisive and people-driven governance.
Faduri said he would contest under the National Rescue Movement, symbolised by the honeybee, adding that it was time to return Nigeria “to her honey days.”
If elected, he promised to prioritise economic stability, strengthen the naira, revive local refining capacity, and address energy costs. He also pledged to make primary and secondary education compulsory, strengthen vocational training, and ensure lecturers’ salaries are paid promptly.
He further promised to rebuild public hospitals to world-class standards and vowed that no government official, including himself, would seek medical treatment abroad at public expense.
Other priorities listed include decentralising electricity supply, reforming and strengthening the military and police, and promoting local manufacturing, including the use of locally produced vehicles for official purposes.
Framing the 2027 election as “the people versus the political class,” Faduri called on Nigerians at home and in the diaspora to join what he termed a “rescue mission” to rebuild the country.
The statement reads in part; “When the founding fathers of this nation came together in the struggle for independence—great leaders like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, and Obafemi Awolowo—they fought for a Republic. A true Republic—if we can keep it.
“A Republic where government would be kind to its people. A Republic where life would be dignified, where food would be affordable, where citizens would love one another, and where love of country would supersede love of self. A Republic where leaders would create an enabling environment for prosperity through the proper use of our vast human and natural resources.
“A Republic where citizens would collaborate with government to build a society we can all be proud of. A Republic where morality, decency, and the fear of God would guide leadership. Above all, a Republic where people would feel safe in their own land. Today, my fellow Nigerians, we must admit that what we have falls far short of that vision.
“We now live in a nation that resembles a jungle—where survival of the fittest has replaced shared prosperity. A nation plunged into poverty by leaders who once enjoyed the best of Nigeria in their youth but have failed to preserve it for future generations.
“While the rest of the world is discussing artificial intelligence and technological breakthroughs, we are still campaigning with rice, noodles, onions, and ₦42,000 handouts on election day. What a tragedy.
“There was a time when the Nigerian passport was among the most respected in the world. Our naira was strong. Education was free and qualitative. Jobs awaited graduates even before graduation. Housing schemes met population growth. Hospitals functioned. Rural health centres served communities. You could travel safely from Lagos to Sokoto or from Port Harcourt to Maiduguri without fear.
“We lived as brothers and sisters—hopeful, united, and prosperous. But what do we have today? One of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Rising insecurity. A struggling economy. A free-falling currency. A passport that no longer commands respect. A nation once united now divided by suspicion and fear. A country once flowing with opportunity now burdened by poverty, hunger, kidnapping, and corruption.
“My fellow Nigerians, how did we get here? How did we descend to this level where our citizens flee daily as though escaping a war zone? We got here through years of systemic corruption, mismanagement, and policies that moved our country from boom to doom. We got here because leaders placed personal interest above national interest.
“Even those in the diaspora, who struggle daily abroad, still carry the burden of families back home. Many of our health workers abroad—once undervalued here—now treat Nigerian leaders overseas for ailments that should be handled in our own hospitals. Enough is enough.
“It is time to fight for the soul of our nation. I am not here merely to recount our problems. I am here to declare that Nigeria is fixable. It is not rocket science. What we have lacked is sincere, courageous, and people-centred leadership. What happened to our refineries? What happened to Ajaokuta Steel? Why do we continue to pay thousands of workers in non-functional institutions? Why must we depend on private individuals for what government should provide?
“Corruption has become normalized. Public funds meant for national development are diverted. Absurd excuses are given for missing money, yet there are no consequences. Poverty has no tribe. Hunger has no ethnicity. Insecurity affects us all. If we fail to rescue Nigeria now, we risk becoming slaves in our own land—not chained by colonial masters, but controlled by political elites who care only for themselves. This is why I offer myself for service.
In 2022, ahead of the 2023 presidential election, I joined the Labour Party and contributed to building the LP that produced Mr. Peter Obi. I stepped down in the interest of unity. However, leadership must be measured by resilience and responsibility, especially in times of crisis. As Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.
“Nigeria needs resolute, decisive, and people-driven leadership—not desperation or recycled political coalitions. The 2027 election will be the people versus the political class. And the people’s coalition shall prevail. I will be contesting under the National Rescue Movement (NRM), symbolized by the honeybee. It is time to return Nigeria to her honey days. If given the mandate, our government will be People First. Nation First.
“We will prioritize: Restoring economic stability and strengthening the naira; Revitalizing local refining capacity and addressing energy costs; Investing massively in education—making primary and secondary education compulsory and strengthening technical and vocational training; Ensuring lecturers’ salaries are never delayed.
“Rebuilding and equipping our hospitals to world-class standards. No government official—including myself—will seek medical treatment abroad at public expense. Decentralizing and stabilizing electricity supply. Reforming and strengthening the military and police to restore law and order.
“Encouraging local manufacturing, including the use of locally produced vehicles for official purposes. We will build a nation of law and order—a nation of reward and accountability. This is a generational call—a call for a shift from recycled leadership to visionary leadership. It is not a time for convenience. It is time to rebuild Nigeria.
“Our slogan says it clearly: “A Nation That Has Everything, Yet Lacks Everything.” Together, we will change that narrative. Join me in this rescue mission. Let us combine the best of Nigerians at home and abroad to build a new Republic—one we can keep,” the statement added.
NRM Presidential Aspirant Faduri Declares 2027 Ambition, Vows To Rescue Nigeria From ‘Political Elites’
News
UMTH: The Making of History, Flood Disaster Museum
UMTH: The Making of History, Flood Disaster Museum
By: Balami Lazarus
Museums are warehouses of histories where historical/cultural source materials are kept and preserved, which speaks volumes of people’s history and institutions or organizations that explained their past in terms of growth, progress, and developments.
Sometimes some unfortunate events give birth to history through the collections and preservations of their past emerging from two shades of events, positive or negative, as part of their history.

NEWSng was there, and on the ground is the “Flood Disaster Museum” of 10th September, 2024, where items destroyed by the flood are kept. The preservations are in two forms: audiovisual and pictorial.

Walking through the museum, the curator Mallam Abdul Inusa said that this is the beginning of UMTH’s historical collections and preservation of artifacts. “What you see in pictures and paintings on some of the walls in the museum…are the realities of what truly happened during the flood,” he lamented.
The curator further informed NEWSng that UMTH under Prof. Ahmed Ahidjo is considering expanding it into a hospital medical museum, which will cover the history of UMTH with all its medical source materials for the future.

The Flood Disaster Museum is faced with the challenges of space and staff. However, it was a welcome development.
UMTH: The Making of History, Flood Disaster Museum
News
Stakeholders Say Climate Governance Ranking Drives Reform Across Nigeria’s 36 States
Stakeholders Say Climate Governance Ranking Drives Reform Across Nigeria’s 36 States
By: Michael Mike
Nigeria’s push to confront climate change is gaining new momentum at the subnational level, as a groundbreaking climate governance ranking continues to spur competition, collaboration and measurable reforms across the country’s 36 states.
For years, climate discourse in Nigeria revolved largely around federal commitments, international pledges and national policy frameworks. But a new initiative spearheaded by the Society for Planet and Prosperity in partnership with the Department of Climate Change at the Federal Ministry of Environment is shifting the spotlight to state governments — where climate impacts are most directly felt.

Now in its second year, the Subnational Climate Governance Ranking assesses how states design, implement and institutionalize climate action.
President of the Society for Planet and Prosperity, Professor Chukwumerije Okereke, on Thursday in Abuja at the the Peer Learning Workshop for Honourable Commissioners of Environment on Subnational Climate Governance Performance Rating and Ranking, said the objective of the yearly ranking is not to shame underperformers, but to encourage transparency, peer learning and accelerated action.
He said: “We are clear that this is not just about scoring. It is about galvanizing climate action at the subnational level. States are on the frontline of climate vulnerability — floods, desertification, erosion, heatwaves. Without strong state action, Nigeria cannot build meaningful resilience.”
He noted that the when the first ranking was released two years ago, skepticism trailed the exercise. Some stakeholders feared it would generate political tension or unfair comparisons, insisting that the process was evidence-based and participatory, allowing states to present documented proof of their initiatives.
He added that the outcome surprised many observers, stating that: “Between the first and second editions of the ranking, nearly all states recorded measurable improvements in climate governance performance — from the creation of climate policies and action plans to the establishment of dedicated climate institutions.”
Okereke said what we found was remarkable, “there is an incredible array of climate initiatives happening across the federation. Many states are doing far more than people assume.”
He revealed that what the assessment framework evaluates are: Existence of climate policies and action plans; Institutional arrangements, including designated commissioners or agencies responsible for climate change; Concrete implementation projects such as flood control systems, reforestation drives, renewable energy deployment and community capacity-building; Transparency and online visibility of climate information; Ability to attract and manage climate finance.
He insisted that the emphasis on climate finance reflects a key reality, noting that ambition without funding cannot translate into durable results.
He however noted that despite the progress, challenges persist, stressing that: “Many states demonstrate willingness to act but face financial constraints, limited technical expertise and inadequate institutional capacity.
Recognizing this gap, he said the organisers are expanding the initiative beyond ranking into structured peer-learning networks and tailored capacity-building programmes, stating that the aim is to help states move from drafting policies to executing them effectively.
He disclosed that at a recent gathering of state environment commissioners, participants reviewed the ranking methodology to ensure fairness and collective ownership.
“We want every state to understand the criteria and contribute to refining the framework,” he said. “If something needs adjustment, we do it together. This is a co-created process.”
Meanwhile, Commissioners of Environment have seek stronger collaboration.
The Jigawa State Commissioner of Environment and Climate Change, Nura Ibrahim, said the peer-learning engagement is expected to yield three major outcomes: targeted training programmes, stronger inter-state networking and full adoption of climate mitigation and adaptation measures.
Ibrahim, who is also the Chairman of the Commissioners’ Forum on Environment in Nigeria, said earlier concerns over unclear criteria of the ranking have largely been addressed through dialogue and transparency.
He said: “With better understanding of the methodology and engagement among commissioners, future rankings will be smoother and more impactful.”
The initiative has drawn support from development partners including the African Climate Foundation and the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, among others. Their contributions have enabled the development of the ranking framework, technical reviews and stakeholder engagements.
Observers said such partnerships are critical as Nigeria seeks to unlock climate finance and strengthen accountability at all levels of government.
Stakeholders Say Climate Governance Ranking Drives Reform Across Nigeria’s 36 States
-
News2 years agoRoger Federer’s Shock as DNA Results Reveal Myla and Charlene Are Not His Biological Children
-
Opinions4 years agoTHE PLIGHT OF FARIDA
-
News10 months agoFAILED COUP IN BURKINA FASO: HOW TRAORÉ NARROWLY ESCAPED ASSASSINATION PLOT AMID FOREIGN INTERFERENCE CLAIMS
-
News2 years agoEYN: Rev. Billi, Distortion of History, and The Living Tamarind Tree
-
Opinions4 years agoPOLICE CHARGE ROOMS, A MINTING PRESS
-
ACADEMICS2 years agoA History of Biu” (2015) and The Lingering Bura-Pabir Question (1)
-
Columns2 years agoArmy University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.
-
Opinions2 years agoTinubu,Shettima: The epidemic of economic, insecurity in Nigeria
