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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

By: Michael
Mike

Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.

As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.

I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.

Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.

The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.

The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.

International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.

In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.

The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.

Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.

There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.

Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.

To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.

Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.

On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.

As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.

FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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Experts Warn Nigeria Against ‘New Oil Curse’ as Rush for Critical Minerals Raises Alarm Over Insecurity, Deforestation

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Experts Warn Nigeria Against ‘New Oil Curse’ as Rush for Critical Minerals Raises Alarm Over Insecurity, Deforestation

By: Michael Mike

A coalition of environmental experts, traditional leaders and academics on Tuesday issued a stark warning that Nigeria could be heading towards another resource curse unless it radically reforms the governance of its burgeoning solid minerals sector, cautioning that the global race for critical minerals risks replicating the environmental devastation, conflict and inequality that have characterised decades of oil exploitation in the Niger Delta.

The warning came at the Third Nigeria Socio-Ecological Alternatives Convergence (NSAC) in Abuja, where participants argued that the country’s renewed enthusiasm over recent discoveries of lithium, rare earth elements, gold, platinum group metals and other strategic minerals must be matched with stronger environmental safeguards, community rights and transparent governance.

The conference, themed “Deforestation, Mining and the Crisis of Human Security in Nigeria,” brought together traditional rulers, environmental activists, academics, civil society organisations and community leaders to examine the implications of Nigeria’s growing role in the global energy transition.

The discussions followed the Federal Government’s recent announcement of what it described as a world-class polymetallic mineral province in Kaduna State, containing lithium, rare earth elements, gold, copper, nickel and platinum group metals, as part of efforts to position Nigeria as a leading supplier of critical minerals needed for electric vehicle batteries, renewable energy technologies and advanced manufacturing.

However, speakers at the convergence insisted that the country must avoid repeating the mistakes made in the oil industry.

Leading the call was Professor of Anthropology and African Studies at the University of Michigan, Prof. Omolade Adunbi, who warned that critical minerals were rapidly becoming “the new oil” and could reproduce the same patterns of environmental destruction, elite capture and violent conflict unless a new governance model is adopted.

“The world must decarbonise,” he said. “But the deeper question is what kind of decarbonisation, governed by whom, for whose benefit, and at whose cost?”

According to him, while renewable energy technologies are promoted as environmentally friendly, they rely heavily on minerals extracted from communities whose forests, rivers and farmlands could become the next “sacrifice zones.”

Drawing parallels with the Niger Delta, Adunbi argued that Nigeria’s experience with oil should serve as a warning against pursuing mineral wealth without environmental justice.

“Critical minerals may become the new oil. If they are governed through the same extractive logic that shaped oil extraction in the Niger Delta, they will reproduce dispossession, deforestation, insecurity, elite capture and ecological degradation,” he said.

He urged the government to adopt a comprehensive “Just Minerals Strategy” that would make community consent legally binding, prohibit mining in ecologically sensitive areas, guarantee environmental restoration and ensure host communities receive a fair share of the benefits.

Also speaking, renowned environmentalist and Director of the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF), Nnimmo Bassey, questioned the country’s excitement over new mineral discoveries without first addressing the governance failures that left the Niger Delta environmentally devastated despite decades of oil wealth.

“Have we learned the lessons of almost seven decades of oil extraction in the Niger Delta?” he asked.

“We are yet to have serious conversations on what sort of development we desire.”

Bassey argued that Nigeria’s forests, rivers and communities are increasingly being sacrificed in pursuit of an extractive development model that values natural resources above human lives.

He warned that the country’s forests are disappearing at an alarming rate of between 250,000 and 300,000 hectares annually, leaving primary forests to cover only about 1.3 per cent of Nigeria’s landmass.

At the current pace, he warned, Nigeria could lose virtually all its forests by 2052.

Beyond commercial logging and agricultural expansion, Bassey criticised emerging carbon credit projects, describing them as a form of “carbon colonialism” that risks dispossessing local communities in the name of climate action.

He cited plans involving hundreds of thousands of hectares of forests in Delta and Niger states earmarked for carbon credit initiatives, arguing that such projects often exclude indigenous communities from lands they have managed for generations.

The environmentalist also linked uncontrolled mining to rising insecurity, saying degraded forests are increasingly becoming operational bases for criminal gangs.

“Some forests have become habitats not for wildlife but for wild humans—bandits and terrorists—who disconnect communities from their forests and turn the territories into criminal fiefdoms,” he said.

The Chairman of the occasion and Emir of Nasarawa, Alhaji Ibrahim Usman Jibril, reinforced those concerns, describing illegal mining and deforestation as major drivers of banditry, insurgency and organised crime across Nigeria.

The monarch said criminal groups have increasingly taken control of mineral-rich areas, financing their operations through illegal mining and timber trafficking while displacing local communities.

“The nexus between mining, forest extraction, insecurity and Nigeria’s socio-ecological crisis forms a vicious cycle of resource plunder, environmental degradation and violent conflict,” he said.

Drawing from his experience as ruler of one of Nigeria’s most mineral-rich states, the Emir acknowledged that resources such as lithium, tantalite and rare earth elements offer enormous economic opportunities but insisted that development must never come at the expense of communities and the environment.

“Our natural resources are a blessing, but only if they are governed with justice, accountability and sustainability,” he said.

The Emir blamed weak environmental governance, corruption and political patronage for enabling illegal exploitation of natural resources while host communities bear the costs through pollution, displacement and declining livelihoods.

He called for stronger regulation, improved environmental enforcement and greater involvement of traditional institutions in protecting forests and resolving resource-related conflicts.

A recurring theme throughout the conference was the growing link between environmental degradation and national security.

Speakers argued that forests stripped by illegal logging and uncontrolled mining have become safe havens for bandits and kidnappers, while competition over natural resources is intensifying communal conflicts across several parts of the country.

Participants also warned that declining global demand for fossil fuels could tempt Nigeria into replacing dependence on crude oil with dependence on solid minerals without undertaking the institutional reforms necessary to avoid another resource curse.

Rather than pursuing what speakers described as a “dig now, regulate later” approach, they advocated stronger environmental governance, mandatory community consultation, domestic mineral processing, transparency in licensing and contracts, and restoration of degraded ecosystems.

The conference also challenged the assumption that renewable energy automatically translates into environmental justice.

According to the participants, the transition to cleaner energy must not create new sacrifice zones in Africa to sustain low-carbon economies elsewhere.

They insisted that communities should retain the right to reject mining projects affecting their ancestral lands and called for legally enforceable Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) before mining licences are issued.

As global competition for critical minerals intensifies, the convergence concluded that Nigeria faces a defining choice: either repeat the extractive model that left the Niger Delta scarred by pollution, conflict and poverty, or build a new governance framework that balances economic development with environmental sustainability, community rights and long-term national security.

For the participants, the lesson from Nigeria’s oil history was unmistakable: the transition to a green economy would only be meaningful if it delivered justice not just for the climate, but also for the people living where the minerals are found.

Experts Warn Nigeria Against ‘New Oil Curse’ as Rush for Critical Minerals Raises Alarm Over Insecurity, Deforestation

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Nigeria Moves to Harness Hydrogen Economy as FG Validates Landmark Clean Energy Policy

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Nigeria Moves to Harness Hydrogen Economy as FG Validates Landmark Clean Energy Policy

By:Michael Mike

In a bold move to reposition Nigeria for the global clean energy revolution and reduce its dependence on crude oil revenues, the Federal Government on Tuesday validated the country’s National Hydrogen Policy, a landmark framework expected to drive investment, industrialisation, job creation and the transition to a low-carbon economy.

The validation of the policy marks a significant milestone in Nigeria’s quest to become a leading producer of hydrogen in Africa and an active player in the rapidly expanding global hydrogen market, which experts believe will be central to achieving net-zero carbon emissions and powering future industries.

The policy, developed after about 18 months of consultations involving government institutions, development partners, regulators, academia and the private sector, will now be forwarded to the National Economic Council (NEC) and the Federal Executive Council (FEC) for approval before implementation begins.

Stakeholders at the National Hydrogen Policy Validation Workshop in Abuja described the document as a strategic roadmap that could redefine Nigeria’s energy future by leveraging the country’s vast natural gas reserves and renewable energy resources to produce both blue and green hydrogen.

The workshop brought together officials from the Federal Ministries of Budget and Economic Planning, Petroleum Resources and Environment, the Energy Commission of Nigeria (ECN), the Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), ECOWAS, GIZ Nigeria, industry experts and development partners.

Participants unanimously agreed that hydrogen presents Nigeria with a rare opportunity to diversify its economy, strengthen energy security, create new industrial value chains and position the country as a major supplier of clean energy to regional and international markets.

Speaking at the workshop, the Cluster Coordinator for Just Transition and Inclusion at GIZ Nigeria and ECOWAS, Jochen Rudolf, described the validation exercise as the beginning of a long-term national journey rather than the end of a policy development process.

According to him, hydrogen technologies and global markets are evolving rapidly, making it necessary for governments to adopt flexible policies capable of responding to changing realities.

He cited Germany’s experience, noting that the European nation adopted its first National Hydrogen Strategy in 2020 and has since revised it twice to reflect emerging technological and market developments.

“Today, we are not closing a chapter; we are laying a solid foundation that gives Nigeria’s hydrogen sector a credible start while leaving room for future growth and adaptation,” Rudolf said.

He reaffirmed Germany’s commitment to supporting Nigeria’s energy transition agenda through GIZ and highlighted the long history of bilateral energy cooperation between both countries.

According to Rudolf, the partnership dates back to 1974 and has expanded significantly over the years with initiatives such as the German-Nigerian Energy Partnership launched in 2008 and the establishment of the German-Nigerian Hydrogen Office in 2021.

He noted that hydrogen is increasingly being recognised globally as a critical energy carrier capable of decarbonising sectors that are difficult to electrify, including steel production, cement manufacturing, shipping, aviation and heavy industrial processes.

He said the validated policy would provide Nigeria with the framework needed to attract investment, improve industrial competitiveness and utilise its natural resources more efficiently while contributing to global climate action.

Representing both the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning and the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, Kayode Mariam, a member of the National Hydrogen Committee, described the validation as another important milestone in Nigeria’s drive towards building a competitive hydrogen economy.

She explained that work on the policy began about 18 months ago because hydrogen development cuts across multiple sectors and therefore required broad consultation among ministries, departments and agencies.

Mariam said the policy aligns with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s economic reform agenda, particularly efforts to diversify the economy beyond oil and gas revenues and create employment opportunities for young Nigerians.

“We all know that one of the priorities of the current administration is to diversify the economy and create jobs for young people. Hydrogen offers enormous potential to achieve economic diversification, attract foreign investment and improve Nigeria’s competitiveness globally,” she said.

She added that the policy is expected to provide investors with greater confidence by outlining clear national priorities and implementation strategies for hydrogen development.

The Federal Ministry of Environment also threw its weight behind the initiative, describing hydrogen as a critical component of Nigeria’s climate response strategy.

Speaking on behalf of the Minister of Environment, Balarabe Lawal, the Director of the Department of Climate Change, Asmau Jibril, said hydrogen presents a unique opportunity for Nigeria to utilise its natural resources responsibly while advancing environmentally sustainable development.

She stressed that the country’s transition to a hydrogen economy must be environmentally responsible, socially inclusive and economically beneficial.

According to her, effective implementation of the policy would strengthen Nigeria’s commitments under the Paris Agreement, support implementation of the Climate Change Act and contribute significantly towards achieving the country’s target of net-zero emissions by 2060.

Jibril urged stakeholders to ensure that the final document reflects practical realities and provides clear pathways for implementation.

On the regulatory side, the Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority disclosed that work has already commenced on developing regulations that will govern hydrogen production, transportation, storage and utilisation in Nigeria.

Representing the Chief Executive of NMDPRA, Farouk Ahmed, the authority’s Director of Health and Safety, Amos Oliver, said investors require certainty regarding safety standards, regulations and infrastructure before committing significant capital to hydrogen projects.

He said the authority would also assess how Nigeria’s extensive natural gas pipeline infrastructure could be adapted to transport hydrogen, thereby reducing future infrastructure costs and accelerating commercial deployment.

Oliver expressed optimism that following the validation exercise, the policy would receive the necessary approvals from the National Economic Council and the Federal Executive Council.

The Energy Commission of Nigeria equally expressed confidence that the policy would position the country as one of Africa’s leading hydrogen producers.

Representing the Director-General of the commission, Dr Mustapha Abdullahi, the Deputy Director of Renewable Energy, Adeola Ijeoma, said Nigeria possesses several strategic advantages that make it highly competitive in hydrogen production.

These, she said, include more than 210 trillion cubic feet of proven natural gas reserves, abundant sunshine suitable for large-scale solar power generation and significant renewable energy resources capable of supporting green hydrogen production.

She explained that the policy adopts a phased approach by first utilising Nigeria’s natural gas resources together with carbon capture technologies to produce blue hydrogen before gradually expanding green hydrogen production using renewable electricity through electrolysis.

According to her, this transition strategy reflects both Nigeria’s current energy realities and its long-term climate ambitions.

She disclosed that the Energy Commission is already coordinating several initiatives, including a United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO)-supported green hydrogen project and strategic alignment programmes involving key ministries and regulatory agencies.

“The policy we validate today will influence investment decisions, regulatory frameworks and industrial development for many years to come,” she said.

The validation of the National Hydrogen Policy comes at a time when governments around the world are accelerating investments in clean energy technologies as part of efforts to combat climate change and reduce reliance on fossil fuels.

Hydrogen is increasingly regarded as one of the most promising fuels of the future because it can provide clean energy for industries that are difficult to decarbonise through conventional renewable energy sources.

While green hydrogen is produced using renewable electricity with virtually no carbon emissions, blue hydrogen is produced from natural gas with carbon dioxide captured and stored, significantly reducing its environmental impact.

Countries including Germany, Japan, Australia, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and South Korea have invested billions of dollars in hydrogen technologies, viewing the fuel as a cornerstone of future economic growth and energy security.

For Nigeria, whose economy remains heavily dependent on crude oil exports despite possessing one of the world’s largest natural gas reserves, the hydrogen policy represents a strategic attempt to transform existing energy resources into a platform for sustainable industrialisation and economic diversification.

Energy analysts believe that if effectively implemented, the policy could stimulate new investments in manufacturing, fertiliser production, steel, chemicals, transport and power generation while opening export opportunities in global clean energy markets.

It could also help Nigeria strengthen its energy transition agenda by balancing continued utilisation of natural gas with increasing investments in renewable energy, thereby ensuring economic growth while meeting international climate obligations.

With the validation completed, attention now shifts to the National Economic Council and the Federal Executive Council, whose approvals are expected to clear the way for implementation of what many stakeholders describe as one of Nigeria’s most ambitious clean energy policies in recent years.

Nigeria Moves to Harness Hydrogen Economy as FG Validates Landmark Clean Energy Policy

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CDHR Condemns Fresh U.S. Sanctions on Cuba, Urges Humanitarian-First Approach

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CDHR Condemns Fresh U.S. Sanctions on Cuba, Urges Humanitarian-First Approach

By: Michael Mike

The Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR) has condemned the latest expansion of United States economic sanctions against Cuba, describing the measures as a humanitarian crisis that continues to inflict hardship on ordinary citizens rather than political leaders.

In a statement issued on Tuesday, the rights organisation said the recent decision by the U.S. government to extend sanctions to additional Cuban institutions, including the Ministry of Tourism and other strategic entities, represented a further escalation of a policy that has adversely affected the Caribbean nation for decades.

The group argued that while countries may pursue foreign policy objectives, such actions should not come at the expense of fundamental human rights, insisting that “humanity must come before politics.”

CDHR maintained that the sanctions have contributed to worsening shortages of food, medicine, fuel and medical supplies, while also limiting Cuba’s access to humanitarian assistance and international financial services.

According to the organisation, the burden of the restrictions falls disproportionately on vulnerable groups, including children, the elderly, persons living with disabilities and low-income families struggling to meet their daily needs.

The organisation further warned that the cumulative impact of the sanctions continues to strain Cuba’s healthcare system, economy, transportation network, energy sector and access to basic social services, threatening the welfare and dignity of millions of Cubans.

It stressed that rights such as access to food, healthcare, development and national self-determination are guaranteed under international human rights law and should not become casualties of geopolitical disputes.

“Human rights cannot be selectively defended. They must apply equally to every individual and every nation. The protection of human life must always take precedence over political disagreements or ideological differences,” the statement read.

The rights group urged the United States government to review its policy towards Cuba and adopt measures that place greater emphasis on protecting the Cuban people’s rights to life, health, food and development.

It also called on Washington to respect Cuba’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence in line with the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law.

Beyond its appeal to the United States, CDHR urged the United Nations, humanitarian organisations, civil society groups and the wider international community to intensify diplomatic engagement and humanitarian support to alleviate the suffering of the Cuban people.

The organisation argued that dialogue, constructive engagement and international cooperation offer more sustainable solutions to disputes between nations than economic restrictions that deepen poverty and limit access to essential services.

The statement was jointly signed by the National President of CDHR, Comrade Yinka Folarin, and the organisation’s General Secretary, Comrade Idris Afees.

The latest reaction follows the U.S. government’s recent decision to widen sanctions against additional Cuban entities as part of Washington’s long-running policy towards Havana. The U.S. embargo on Cuba, first imposed in the early 1960s after the Cuban Revolution, has remained one of the world’s longest-running sanctions regimes. While successive U.S. administrations have differed on the degree of engagement with Cuba, the broader embargo has remained in place despite repeated calls by the United Nations General Assembly for its removal, with many countries arguing that the restrictions have significant humanitarian and economic consequences for the Cuban people.

CDHR Condemns Fresh U.S. Sanctions on Cuba, Urges Humanitarian-First Approach

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