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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

By: Michael
Mike

Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.

As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.

I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.

Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.

The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.

The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.

International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.

In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.

The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.

Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.

There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.

Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.

To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.

Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.

On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.

As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.

FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

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KACRAN Urges INEC to Extend PVC Collection Deadline by One Week

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KACRAN Urges INEC to Extend PVC Collection Deadline by One Week

By: Michael Mike

The Kulen Allah Cattle Rearers Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) has urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to extend the ongoing display of the preliminary voters’ register and distribution of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) by one week to prevent the disenfranchisement of millions of eligible voters ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The association proposed that the exercise, scheduled to end on October 15, should be extended to October 22, 2026, citing inadequate public awareness, particularly among rural dwellers, pastoral communities and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Northern Nigeria.

In a statement signed by its National President, Hon. Khalil Mohd Bello, KACRAN said many Nigerians who registered online or physically between August 18 and December 10, 2025, remained unaware of the ongoing collection exercise and the approaching deadline.

The association expressed concern that while residents of major cities and towns had better access to information through newspapers, electronic media and social media, many people in remote rural communities and pastoral settlements were yet to receive adequate sensitisation.

KACRAN said it had spent months mobilising its members without PVCs to participate in the registration exercise but feared that many of those who registered might lose the opportunity to collect their cards before the deadline.

It also highlighted the plight of thousands of internally displaced persons across Northern Nigeria, noting that many had registered as voters after fleeing their communities but might struggle to collect their PVCs because of inadequate information about collection centres and their designated ward headquarters.

According to the association, a one-week extension would provide additional time to reach affected communities and enable registered voters to collect their cards ahead of the 2027 elections.

KACRAN stressed that PVC collection was critical to effective participation in the electoral process, arguing that every eligible vote mattered in determining the outcome of elections.

The association further criticised politicians for concentrating on campaigns and the selection of preferred candidates while paying insufficient attention to mobilising eligible voters who were yet to collect their PVCs.

It urged INEC to treat the request as urgent, warning that failure to extend the deadline could leave many registered Nigerians unable to participate fully in the forthcoming elections.

Beyond its appeal to the electoral commission, KACRAN called on the 19 Northern governors to declare Monday, October 19, and Tuesday, October 20, 2026, work-free days if INEC approved the extension.

The proposed days, it said, should be devoted to intensive public enlightenment and mobilisation across the region to ensure that all eligible voters whose cards were ready collected them at their designated ward headquarters.

The association also called on print and electronic media organisations, as well as social media platforms, to intensify public awareness campaigns and provide timely information on PVC collection.

It urged Nigerians who had registered and whose cards were available to collect them before the deadline, warning that failure to do so could lead to avoidable disappointment during the 2027 general elections.

KACRAN said it was prepared to participate actively in the electoral process and support the emergence of leaders committed to justice and fairness for all Nigerians.

KACRAN Urges INEC to Extend PVC Collection Deadline by One Week

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Centre Urges Presidential Candidates to Commit to Fiscal Reforms

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Centre Urges Presidential Candidates to Commit to Fiscal Reforms

By: Michael Mike

The Centre for Social Justice has called on political parties and presidential candidates to make strict budget discipline, transparent public borrowing and enforcement of statutory debt limits central to their manifestoes ahead of Nigeria’s next political transition.

The centre warned that rising public debt, mounting debt-servicing obligations and persistent breaches of public financial management rules were undermining fiscal stability, calling for structural reforms to strengthen accountability in the management of public funds.

In a policy commentary, Paul Dasimeokuma of the Centre for Social Justice said Nigeria needed to move away from discretionary fiscal practices towards strict compliance with existing laws governing budget preparation, public borrowing and debt management.

He cited public debt exceeding ₦159 trillion and debt-servicing costs consuming more than half of federal revenues as indicators of the pressure on the nation’s finances.

Dasimeokuma identified delays in the passage of annual budgets as a major weakness in the country’s fiscal management system, arguing that disruptions to the statutory budget calendar undermine planning, spending predictability and the credibility of public accounts.

He cited the 2026 Federal Budget, which received presidential assent on April 17, 2026, as an example of the delays that have characterised the budgeting process.

According to him, Section 14(1) of the Fiscal Responsibility Act (FRA) 2007 provides a framework for the timely preparation and approval of the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), which underpins the annual budget.

He argued that adherence to the statutory timetable would help ensure that annual budgets receive presidential assent before the commencement of the financial year on January 1.

The centre also raised concerns over the practice of extending capital budget implementation beyond the relevant financial year, sometimes resulting in multiple capital budgets being implemented concurrently.

Dasimeokuma said such practices created uncertainty in public expenditure management, distorted accounting and weakened the link between approved budgets and actual government spending.

He further questioned the management of public borrowing, arguing that loans should be subjected to rigorous scrutiny to establish their economic and social benefits before approval.

He referenced Section 41 of the Fiscal Responsibility Act, which sets out restrictions on government borrowing, and Section 44, which provides for cost-benefit analysis of proposed loans.

According to him, legislative approval of major borrowing proposals should be supported by transparent documentation showing the purpose, costs and expected returns of the loans.

He alleged that some borrowing approvals had been granted without sufficient public scrutiny and warned against the use of loans to finance recurrent expenditure and debt-service obligations.

Dasimeokuma also called attention to Section 42 of the Act, which provides for the establishment of an overall debt limit for the federation by the President in agreement with the National Assembly.

He argued that the absence of an established, legally binding debt ceiling had weakened the framework for controlling the growth of public debt.

To address the concerns, the centre urged political parties and presidential candidates to commit to four key reforms: establishing and enforcing a predictable budget calendar, implementing statutory debt limits, requiring the publication of cost-benefit analyses for external loans and ensuring transparency in public debt records.

It said the reforms should be incorporated into party manifestoes and translated into enforceable policies to improve fiscal discipline and strengthen public confidence in government financial management.

Dasimeokuma maintained that Nigeria’s economic stability would depend partly on whether political leaders could move beyond policy promises to enforce existing financial laws and ensure that public borrowing and expenditure were subject to effective oversight.

Centre Urges Presidential Candidates to Commit to Fiscal Reforms

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Nigeria’s Nutrition Accountability Gap Persists as Child Stunting Hits 40%

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Nigeria’s Nutrition Accountability Gap Persists as Child Stunting Hits 40%

By: Michael Mike

Nigeria’s failure to translate nutrition policies and funding commitments into measurable results has come under scrutiny, with the Athena Centre for Policy and Leadership calling for performance-based financing, stronger legislative oversight and tougher accountability measures to address child malnutrition.

The centre said on Wednesday that under-five stunting in Nigeria stood at 40 per cent, against a national target of 18 per cent that has expired, highlighting the gap between policy commitments and implementation.

Speaking at a policy webinar in Abuja, the Director of the Olikoye Ransome-Kuti Institute for Health and Social Equity, Dr Danjuma Iyaji, said Nigeria had developed systems for measuring nutrition outcomes without establishing adequate mechanisms to hold public officials accountable for poor performance.

“Nigeria has built the measurement architecture of nutrition accountability without building its consequence architecture,” Iyaji said.

The webinar, organised by the Athena Centre through its institute, was titled From Measurement to Consequence: Fixing Nigeria’s Nutrition Accountability Gap. It examined findings from the centre’s policy paper, Political Incentives and Nutrition Neglect: Why State Governments Fail to Improve Child Nutrition.

The discussion brought together officials from the Office of the Vice President, the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) and the House of Representatives Committee on Nutrition and Food Security to examine why government commitments were not consistently translating into improved nutrition outcomes.

According to the centre, only nine of Nigeria’s 36 states had formally established State Councils on Nutrition as of April 2026, while the existence of such councils did not necessarily demonstrate that they were functioning effectively.

To address the gaps, the centre proposed linking supplementary funding tranches to independently verified readiness, conducting annual state performance assessments, establishing an escalation framework for persistent non-performance and holding annual legislative hearings at the state level.

However, participants stressed that accountability measures must not deprive vulnerable children of essential nutrition services because their state governments failed to meet administrative or performance requirements.

The Senior Special Assistant to the President on Nutrition and Public Health, Uju Rochas-Anwukah, endorsed the diagnosis, identifying three major breaks in the accountability chain: commitments not translating into fund releases, releases failing to translate into service delivery, and inadequate understanding of nutrition priorities among subnational leaders.

“A stunted child is a lost asset that no bridge can build,” she said.

Rochas-Anwukah cautioned that readiness-based financing must not disadvantage states with the greatest nutrition needs but weaker implementation capacity. She also clarified that the terms governing the Child Nutrition Fund rested with UNICEF and its partners, rather than her office.

She called for a pathway through which less-prepared states could strengthen their capacity to qualify for support without leaving children in those states behind.

The presidential aide also urged the passage of the proposed National Food and Nutrition Bill, arguing that a stronger legal framework would help sustain accountability beyond individual administrations.

The Director of Nutrition at NPHCDA, Dr Adebiyi Olatunde, said accountability must extend beyond state-level indicators to primary healthcare facilities, where the availability of therapeutic foods and micronutrients directly affects children’s access to treatment and preventive services.

She warned that state-level figures could conceal serious deficiencies in individual communities and health facilities.

“At times we have data for a state, and the issue may be in only two particular wards,” Olatunde said.

She advocated collecting and analysing data down to ward and facility levels to identify localised failures. She also called for a root-cause assessment before sanctions or other escalation measures were imposed, to establish whether poor performance resulted from funding shortages, supply-chain problems or weaknesses in implementation.

The Research Lead for the House of Representatives Committee on Nutrition and Food Security, Abel Okechukwu, described conditional financing as “workable and urgently needed”, but argued that the approach should combine protected funding for essential services with incentives for improved performance.

He proposed allocating 70 per cent of funding as a protected lifeline for interventions such as micronutrient provision and school feeding, while reserving 30 per cent as a performance incentive linked to functional nutrition councils, approved costed plans and published expenditure records.

“Conditional financing should not punish the child,” Okechukwu said.

He also called for stronger legislative scrutiny, arguing that oversight hearings must be supported by reliable data and adequate preparation rather than conducted as ceremonial exercises.

According to him, effective hearings require standardised reporting templates and the submission of reports at least 21 days before proceedings.

Okechukwu said the committee intended to intensify joint oversight in 2026 and 2027. He also proposed inserting a provision in the Appropriation Act to link federal grants to evidence that state governments had exercised appropriate oversight of nutrition programmes.

The discussions refined several of the centre’s recommendations, particularly the need to protect essential nutrition funding, provide weaker states with a route to meeting readiness requirements, assess performance below the state level and make root-cause reviews the starting point for addressing persistent failures.

However, whether the existing Child Nutrition Fund arrangements permit the proposed financing conditions remains unresolved, according to the centre’s policy paper.

As follow-up measures, the Athena Centre said it would engage partners in the Child Nutrition Fund on financing conditions, present the proposed escalation framework to the Nigeria Governors’ Forum and take its legislative recommendations to State Houses of Assembly.

It also plans to circulate a policy note incorporating the panellists’ recommendations before publication and reassess the four proposed reforms in July 2027.

In her closing remarks, the webinar moderator and researcher at the institute, Ijeoma Achebe, said the discussion had strengthened the paper’s diagnosis of the challenges undermining nutrition outcomes.

“The gap is not simply about a lack of policies,” she said. “It is the distance between commitments and delivery.”

Nigeria’s Nutrition Accountability Gap Persists as Child Stunting Hits 40%

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