Opinions
Who Will Rescue The North?
Who Will Rescue The North?
BY: BARR. BULAMA BUKARTI
It’s indisputable that northern Nigeria is today one of the most dangerous places on earth. While Boko Haram continues its rampage, launching deadly attacks in the northeast literally every day, criminal gangs in the northwest are operating with impunity. Attacks have become so frequent that the massacre of dozens no longer makes the headlines, much less capture the attention of those in authority. Just when you think things can’t get any worse, another incident proves you wrong. The slide into anarchy now seems inevitable. And very few of those who claim to speak for the North seem to care.
The past fortnight has recorded many different incidents, that is, even in this era that seems not to view human life with any sanctity, unique. It started with a report by BBC Hausa that bandits have imposed ‘harvest fees’ of between N300,000 to N900,000 on farmers in some communities of Zamfara State. Those who are unable to pay are prevented from harvesting their crops, which spoil in the bush while they struggle to feed their families. It then emerged that these charges are also imposed by criminal gangs in Katsina, Kaduna and Niger states. Farmers in these states were forced to pay at the onset of the season to access and cultivate their farms. Now, their crops are ripe and they’re starving, but they can’t harvest until they incur more debts to settle the same gangs. If this isn’t a sign of a failing country, I don’t know what is.
Next came the devastating story of what 26 seized women and girls went through at the hands of the bandits. The governor of Zamfara State published a photo of himself with the victims on Twitter, claiming that they had been “rescued” after only one week in captivity, indicating that no ransom had been paid and that the victims were unharmed. Thanks to the investigative journalism of this paper, the truth emerged: the victims spent over three weeks in captivity, they were serially beaten and raped, including the children, and that their relatives paid N6.6 million to get them released. Parents said they sold everything they had including their unharvested crops, and incurred debts to raise the money. That a governor will use this tragedy as a photo opportunity, drawing praise for his inaction, is a monumental national disgrace.

But the climax came last Tuesday when BBC Hausa revealed that 12 assistant superintendents of police deployed from Borno to Zamfara have been abducted by bandits in the northwest. Yes, you read it right: a dozen police officers were kidnapped on duty at once. The wife of one of the officers told the BBC that her husband had called from the kidnappers’ den and instructed her to sell off their house for ransom payment. She said she knows eight other police families working to raise N800,000 each to pay the abductors. The situation is so ugly that the police can’t even defend themselves even in a convoy. If 12 senior police officers, with their training, experience and presumably weapons, could be kidnapped on a highway, what more ordinary Nigerians living in remote villages? Worse still, the captives know very well that their institution is incapable of rescuing them. That is why they asked their families to ransom them.
Also Read: READING HABIT AND YOUTH OF TODAY: THE WAY FORWARD
Amidst of all this, the Minister of Police Affairs, Muhammad Dingyadi, insulted us by asking us to ignore the facts and fall for their propaganda. Responding to criticisms and concerns, including in this newspaper, he claimed that the bandits have been “degraded”. This is even as they hold a dozen police officers captive! His statement came on the same day 16 people, including the district head of Zangon Kataf were killed in different spots in Kaduna, and, two days earlier, nine French language students of ABU Zaria were abducted on the Kaduna-Abuja road. Dingyadi, who is himself a northerner, said all these attacks are “small” and “normal”, an indication that the government isn’t bothered, and we should expect more. One is left to wonder if the minister’s opinion would’ve been the same if the victims were his family. I would bet my bottom naira that Dingyadi can’t drive from Abuja through Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara to his native Sokoto.
But the minister is only following the example of other northern “leaders”. Earlier this month, the Northern Governors’ Forum hosted northern political and traditional leaders including the Senate President, ministers and the chairmen of Northern State Traditional Rulers led by the Sultan of Sokoto. They dedicated more than half of their 20-paragraph communique to condemning the #EndSARS protests, praising the government for its use of live bullets against unarmed protesters and calling for censoring the social media. The “leaders” of the North did not spare a single sentence for the bandits’ and terrorists’ depredations in the North. There was not one word of even the usual ceremonial sympathises for the victims, nor any encouragement of the government to do more to help. This speaks volumes on their priorities: they are more perturbed by well-founded protests against police brutality and Nigerians’ freedom of expression than the wanton destruction of the lives and livelihoods of their supposed constituents. That is because the former threatens their power and wealth while the latter affects ordinary northerners whose lives are worth nothing in their eyes.
But the facts and data don’t lie. They show that the bandits continue to get more lethal and sophisticated by the day. They have raised and continue to launder huge sums from ransoms which they use to stockpile weapons and supplies; they have effectively taken control of swathes of land in the northwest where they levy taxes and impose their law(lessness). From Benue to Borno, from Kaduna to Kebbi, the North is bleeding so badly. Northerners are killed like rats. Women and children are captured and violated freely. A presidency dominated by northerners keeps paying lip service. Our security agencies are clearly overwhelmed. Our political leaders are more concerned with their personal parochial interests; our emirs, imams, and intellectuals are silent; most of our youths are uneducated and many of those educated have been brainwashed, blackmailed or bullied into acquiescence. In this perfect conspiracy of silence, who will rescue the north from its dangerous descend?
Who Will Rescue The North?
Opinions
Opinion Editorial: Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy
Opinion Editorial
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy
By: Oluwafisayo Aransiola Fakayode (Human Rights Lawyer & Gender Justice Advocate)
fisayoaransiola@gmail.com
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. In few days, the National Assembly will cast a decisive vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill -a landmark bill that could reshape the country’s democratic landscape. The bill proposes creating temporary additional legislative seats that would be contested exclusively by women in Nigeria’s National and State Assemblies to address the country’s low rate of female political representation. At its core, this bill is not merely about increasing the number of women in legislative chambers, it is about affirming democracy’s most fundamental promise: equity.
For decades, Nigerian women have remained underrepresented in governance, their voices muffled in spaces where laws and policies are made and futures are decided. Women make up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, yet they hold less than 5% of seats in the National Assembly. This stark underrepresentation is not just a statistical anomaly; it is a democratic deficit. The bill seeks to correct this imbalance by guaranteeing women a minimum presence in parliament, thereby dismantling systemic barriers that have long excluded half of the nation’s population from meaningful political participation.
The bill is more than a political goal, it is a constitutional and human rights obligation hinged on the principles of substantive equality and affirmative action. This human rights obligation stems from Nigeria’s ratification of several relevant international and regional human rights treaties including the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol). These instruments place obligation on the country to eliminate barriers to women’s participation in political and public life.
Article 7 of CEDAW obligates States including Nigeria to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country, ensure women on equal terms with men have the right to vote in all elections, are eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies, participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy and are able to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government. Similarly, Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol places obligation on States Parties to take specific positive actions to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political life of their countries through affirmative action, enabling national legislation and other measures to ensure that women participate without any discrimination in all elections, women are represented equally at all levels with men in all electoral processes and women are equal partners with men at all levels of development and implementation of State policies. States shall also ensure increased and effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making.
Critics of the Reserved/Special Seats Bill often argue that it undermines meritocracy. However, this critique confuses formal equality with substantive equality. While formal equality insists that men and women should be treated the same, substantive equality recognizes that identical treatment does not always produce fair outcomes when historical and structural disadvantages exist. In a society where patriarchal norms, economic disparities, systemic bias and discrimination within political structures hinder women’s access to political participation, substantive equality demands proactive measures. By adopting the bill, Nigeria would be practicing substantive equality: ensuring that women are not only formally entitled to participate but are actually empowered and equipped with a level playing ground to do so. This approach transforms equality from a theoretical promise into a lived reality, creating a legislature that reflects the diversity of the nation.
The bill is not about giving women an unfair advantage, it is about dismantling the barriers that have marginalized them for decades. It is a corrective measure to restore balance in a system that has historically excluded half of the population from political life. The temporary nature of the bill through including provision for a review to take place after four general election cycles (16 years) ensures that it serves as a transitional mechanism, not a permanent measure. It allows women to build political capital, networks, and experience that will enable them to compete on equal terms in the future. Article 4 of CEDAW explicitly permits temporary special measures to accelerate equality, acknowledging that without corrective action, women will remain marginalized.
The forthcoming National Assembly vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill is a defining test of Nigeria’s democratic conscience. Lawmakers must recognize that passing this bill is not an act of charity toward women, but a constitutional duty and a human rights obligation to uphold equity and women’s rights. By enshrining guaranteed representation, the National Assembly would be sending a powerful message that Nigeria is ready to build a democracy that reflects the full breadth of its people’s voices. The bill is more than legislation, it is a moral compass pointing toward a fairer, stronger, and more inclusive Nigeria. A democracy that sidelines women cannot claim to be inclusive, just, or truly representative.
As the National Assembly prepares to vote, the question before Nigeria is not whether women deserve a seat at the table, but whether the nation is ready to honor its democratic ideals by ensuring that everyone, regardless of gender, has the power to shape the country’s destiny. This is a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to women’s rights, equity, and democratic integrity. To oppose this bill is to endorse the status quo of gender imbalance. To support it is to affirm that democracy must reflect the diversity of its people. Nigeria cannot claim to be a true democracy while half its population remains politically invisible.
It is time to pass the Reserved/Special Seats Bill not as a favor to women, but as fulfillment of Nigeria’s human rights obligations.
Opinion Editorial:
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy
Opinions
Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls
Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls
By Mohamed M. Fall,
United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria
Women face walls every day. Walls built by history, culture, and fear. They face them in schools, offices, homes, streets, and now, in the digital world. Globally, women are still denied full access to power, education, and safety. They are underrepresented in political spaces, earn less, speak less, and lead less.
Nigeria has made strides. More women are entering politics, business, and leadership.
Opportunities are growing. Yet barriers remain. Only a small fraction of elected positions are held by women. There is work to do. The path to equality is not yet complete.
Violence is still part of many women’s lives. In Nigeria, the 2024 Demographic and Health Survey shows that 21 percent of women aged 15–49 have experienced physical or sexual violence. That is one in five women. But there is progress. Physical violence has dropped from 31 to 19 percent, sexual violence from 9 to 5 percent. Numbers alone cannot measure the pain or fear. But they do show that change is possible.
While physical violence may be slowly declining, a new threat rises. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence hides behind screens, strikes in private messages, spreads on social media, and silences women online. It blocks voices in politics. It interrupts education. It threatens livelihoods. It can even trigger harm offline.
Across Nigeria, women journalists are attacked online for asking questions. Politicians face threats for standing up. Students are shamed and humiliated. Activists are trolled and impersonated. Women at home are stalked and coerced. Cyberstalking, image-based sexual abuse, sextortion, impersonation, hate speech—all have become weapons. These are not just stories in the news. They are daily realities. Behind every number is a woman whose rights are being challenged.
Globally, 16 to 58 percent of women report experiencing digital abuse. Emerging technologies make it worse. Artificial intelligence can create deepfake pornography, identity theft, and coordinated harassment. Studies show that 90 to 95 percent of deepfake content targets women. Technology should connect us, empower us, and innovate. Instead, it is sometimes misused to deepen inequality and fear.
Even as Nigeria embraces technology, gaps remain. Cyberlaws need stronger enforcement. Digital literacy can improve. Gender biases persist. Survivors often find little recourse. Stigma, impunity, and limited justice remain challenges. Yet, positive steps exist. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act of 2015 is a foundation. Advocacy flourishes. Nigeria is building systems that protect women.
We cannot wait. Ending digital violence requires every hand, every voice, every mind.
The government must continue its leadership. Strengthen the Cybercrimes Act. Address the borderless reach of online gender-based violence. Train law enforcement to respond to digital harm. Adopt a national framework on online safety. Invest in prevention. Teach digital literacy. Include healthy online behavior in life skills education. Support community action. These measures can protect and empower women and girls.
Technology companies must also act. Make online spaces safer. Improve moderation. Be transparent. Support local languages. Adopt Safety-by-Design. Collaborate with governments and civil society. Online platforms must empower, not oppress.
Civil society, media, traditional and religious leaders, parents, and teachers all have roles.
Advocate. Raise awareness. Support survivors. Challenge harmful norms. Promote respect, consent, and digital responsibility. Young people can lead by example, modeling safe and respectful online behavior.
Every one of us can make a difference. Pause before you share. Challenge online hate. Stand up for the targeted. Speak for the silenced. Together, we can transform Nigeria’s digital spaces into places where women and girls can speak, learn, lead, and thrive.
This year’s 16 Days of Activism theme—“UNiTE! End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls”—demands action. It reminds us that online abuse is not a private problem. It is a societal challenge. Ending it is a shared responsibility. Technology must lift us, not harm us. Rights must be protected. Voices must be heard.
We know the challenges are real. Gender inequality persists. Women are underrepresented in politics. Cyberviolence is rising. But hope is real. Change is possible. Courage exists in every girl who logs on to learn. Strength exists in every woman who speaks her mind online. Resilience exists in every survivor who refuses to be silenced.
Now is the time to act. Build policies that protect. Build systems that empower. Build a society where women and girls are safe online and offline. Where technology amplifies voices instead of hiding them. Where every woman can dream, aspire, and lead without fear.
We can create that future. A future where every woman and girl is free to speak, lead, and thrive. A future where voices are unbroken.
Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls
Opinions
My Public Servant Journey
My Public Servant Journey
By Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji-Abba
Every journey begins with a single step, and mine into public service began on 22nd October 1990, when I took up an appointment at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH). At that time, I was a young man—full of ambition and determination—eager to contribute my quota to the growth of my community and my country. What I did not realize then was that this path would not only shape my career, but also mold my character, values, and outlook on life.
The Early Days
The early days were not easy. I started from the basics—handling routine administrative tasks, learning the intricacies of record-keeping, and adapting to the demanding environment of public service. It was a period that taught me patience, discipline, and humility. I quickly learned that in public service, dedication and accountability are not optional—they are the very foundation upon which trust is built.
I recall working long hours to ensure that essential records were accurate and supplies were properly managed. It wasn’t glamorous work, but it was crucial. Hospitals rely heavily on efficiency behind the scenes. Every file I handled and every item I documented could impact the quality of care delivered to patients in need.
As the years passed, I rose through the ranks. Promotions came not just as recognition, but as greater calls to commitment. Moving into supervisory and later managerial roles meant I was no longer responsible only for myself, but also for the performance and welfare of others.
Becoming Head of Department (Stores) was a defining milestone in my journey. I was entrusted with ensuring the availability and proper management of critical medical supplies. This role demanded a careful balance—ensuring accountability, minimizing wastage, and making decisions guided by both policy and ethics. It was during this phase that I fully grasped the weight of stewardship. Public service is about managing resources as if they were your own—because in truth, they belong to the people.

No journey is without its trials. The public sector in UMTH is not without its share of bureaucratic bottlenecks, resource constraints, and slow-moving systems. There were moments of frustration—delayed approvals, limited resources, or a lack of recognition.
But I learned to see these challenges as opportunities for personal and professional growth. They built in me a sense of resilience, resourcefulness, and purpose. Most importantly, they reminded me that true service is not about personal comfort, but about the collective good.
Looking back, I carry with me timeless lessons that have guided every stage of my career:
- Integrity is priceless. In public service, honesty and transparency are the strongest currencies.
- Service is sacrifice. It means putting the needs of others above personal convenience.
- Leadership is responsibility. Being in charge is not about authority, but about accountability and inspiration.
- Impact is not always visible. The value of one’s work lies in the quiet difference it makes in people’s lives, even when unrecognized.
Now, with 35 years of service behind me, I see this journey as more than just a career—it has been a life of service. A life defined by quiet but meaningful contributions to healthcare delivery, administrative efficiency, and community impact.
It is indeed a remarkable coincidence that on this very date, 22nd October 1990, I began my career in the service of UMTH—and today, 22nd October 2025, I formally retire. Exactly thirty-five (35) years of committed and honorable service.
This symbolic alignment of dates signifies not only the completion of a full circle but also a journey of unwavering dedication, growth, and fulfillment. I am deeply grateful to Almighty Allah (SWT) for His guidance and protection throughout this journey, and for granting me the grace to retire peacefully and honorably.
I am honored and fulfilled by the efforts I made and the contributions I offered—even in the face of challenges. My heartfelt prayers go to those still in service: May Allah (SWT) grant you wisdom, ease, and peace to complete your own journey with honor.
To the Management of UMTH, I offer this parting counsel:
- Treat every member of staff with justice, fairness, and dignity.
- Appointments and promotions should be based on merit and seniority—not favoritism, influence, or eye service.
- Keep your promises and let honesty and transparency guide your decisions.
- Let every staff member feel valued and motivated, and let patients feel the true presence of government through ethical, heartfelt service. Revive the ethical conduct and professionalism that once defined UMTH—a place where patients receive the best care and staff are proud to serve.
In Conclusion
Public service gave me a sense of purpose, pride, and legacy. Service does not end with retirement—it is a lifelong calling. And if I were to begin all over again, I would still choose this noble path.
Because in serving others, we find the truest meaning of life. Thank you.
Comrade Abubakar a distinguished and Meritorious Retiree of the UMTH lives in Maiduguri. He is an Administrative Veteran with Accomplished and legendary Pace setting records.
My Public Servant Journey
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