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More resources – not fewer – are needed to combat malnutrition in northern Nigeria

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More resources – not fewer – are needed to combat malnutrition in northern Nigeria


By Dr. Simba Tirima

MSF’s outgoing country representative in Nigeria, Dr Simba Tirima, reflects on how the disruption of aid will impact the long-term response to combating malnutrition, maternal mortality, and infectious diseases.


For the last (almost) eight years, I have had the privilege of calling Nigeria home. First as a deputy head of mission and now as the country representative, I have seen first-hand how my organization, Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), has responded with compassion in the face of disease outbreaks, natural disasters, and recurring crises.

I have also seen how other organisations – both international and local – have stepped up to support authorities in tackling many of these same issues. We at MSF know we can’t fix every global medical issue by ourselves; partnerships are critical.

In many ways, MSF remains as stable as ever. Because 99 percent of our funding comes from individual donors, our decisions are dictated by patients’ needs and not political priorities. But with the dramatic draw-down of funding from the US and other rich countries, we will all feel those impacts.

Nigeria is about to enter the peak season of malnutrition, which continues to afflict more Nigerian children than when I first moved here. It’s a serious condition that is not only dangerous or deadly in the short term but can also lead to long term developmental issues; stunting can occur even from moderate malnutrition. Investing in the reduction of malnutrition isn’t just humane – it’s an investment in Nigeria’s future prosperity.


In 2024, more than 250,000 children with severe acute malnutrition (SAM) were admitted to MSF- supported outpatient facilities (Out-Patient Therapeutic Program, OTP) and 76,000 acutely malnourished children with medical complications to inpatient facilities (Stabilization Centers, SC), representing an increase of 38 percent and 53 percent respectively compared to 2023.


In many of our hospitals last year, our teams saw so many children that we had to increase bed capacity, open every emergency tent we had, put mattresses in corridors and every available space, and treat two or three children per bed. Just in the case of one hospital – Katsina Hospital, the largest of our hospitals focused on malnutrition – we struggled to support the more than 25,000 children admitted to hospital over the course of the year. During the malnutrition peak, we often admitted a child every 5 minutes at the hospital because of complications of acute malnutrition. Overall, the Katsina ITFC admissions were 35 percent higher than in 2024.

Late last year, a food insecurity and malnutrition analysis – led by the Nigerian government – projected that 33.1 million people will face high levels of acute food insecurity during the 2025 lean season (June to August) — seven million more people affected than in 2024.

As we near the lean season this year, these projections are already tracking. Many of our hospitals are already seeing higher numbers than last year. In the most northwestern state of Kebbi for example, just in the month of April we admitted 41.8 percent more patients than in April 2024. In Kano State, one MSF-supported Ministry of Health primary inpatient therapeutic feeding centre (ITFC) – Unguwa Uku Primary Health Centre – is at full capacity; we are projecting that the other one we support – ITFC at Murtala Mohamed Hospital – will also soon hit capacity. MSF-supported facilities across northern Nigeria are likely to face an influx of patients, as in many areas—such as Shinkafi and Zurmi in Zamfara State—MSF is the sole provider of inpatient care for malnourished children.


While we are making the necessary arrangements to treat these projected number of patients by expanding bed capacity, recruiting more health care workers, and starting mobile clinic activities, the cuts and changes in logistics around USAID will inevitably have an impact on the northern region, where we treat people. UNICEF, for example, receives most of its funding from USAID and is a leading distributor of life-saving ready-to-use therapeutic food (RUTF) to international, national, and local organizations. Many questions and concerns remain about how these drastic changes will disrupt the flow of food to those who need it most. As more children than ever are projected to suffer from malnutrition, we need more resources – not fewer – to ensure they survive the lean season.

There are no shortages of factors contributing to this crisis. A devastating mix of rising food prices, displacement, insecurity, climate-induced crop failures, low immunisation coverage, and a lack of drinkable water and sanitation leave more children susceptible to developing malnutrition. Sustainable strategies to mitigate these factors must continue to be developed – including by MSF. But having worked on this issue for years, I know that aid funding for food alone will not solve the problem. Without it, Nigerian children will continue to die.


For decades, the humanitarian sector has operated under the assumption that if one donor withdrew, another would step in. That assumption no longer holds. New donors and solutions are critically needed at this moment to analyze RUTF needs and treatment gaps, invest in vaccination and primary health care, and tackle malnutrition in northern Nigeria.
Make no mistake, this seismic structural collapse will produce ripple effects for generations, the scale as big as pandemics. Some of those ripples will be more obvious than others, but we will all feel the impacts in one way or another. It’s up to all of us to correct the course today.

More resources – not fewer – are needed to combat malnutrition in northern Nigeria

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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

By: Inuwa Bwala.

“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.

Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”

Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.

There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.

He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.

Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.

Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.

Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.

I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.

Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.

Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.

As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.

To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.

He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.

Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.

Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.

Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

By Zagazola Makama

A wave of alarming reports circulating across social media and some online platforms has claimed that Boko Haram insurgents attacked a school and abducted students in Kautikari community of Chibok Local Government Area, Borno State.

The claims, predictably amplified by emotionally charged references to the 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction, have generated anxiety among Nigerians following developments in the troubled region.

However, a detailed fact-check by Zagazola Makama, based on assessment from field sources, and video evidence from the scene, has found the claims to be entirely FALSE.

According to sources, the incident occurred at about 7:30 p.m. on June 13 when ISWAP terrorists launched an attack on a hunters’ patrol base located within the premises of a disused primary school in Kautikari.

The facility being used by the hunters was not functioning as a school at the time of the attack, nor were students present at the location. Rather, local hunters had established a patrol outpost within the structure, using some of the classrooms as temporary accommodation and operational shelters while supporting troops of Operation HADIN KAI’s efforts in the area.

The terrorists specifically targeted the hunters’ base and not a school populated by students as widely claimed. Initial resistance by the hunters successfully repelled the first assault.

However, the terrorists later regrouped in larger numbers and launched a second attack, forcing the hunters to temporarily withdraw after running low on ammunition.

Military sources disclosed that reinforcement teams comprising troops of the 117 Task Force Battalion from Kwada, supported by a Quick Response Force, local hunters and vigilante personnel, rapidly mobilized to the scene and engaged the terrorists. The coordinated response eventually overwhelmed the attackers and forced them to retreat.

No Student Was Abducted

Contrary to viral claims, there is no evidence that any student was abducted during the attack. Operational reports from the scene recorded no missing students, no reports of schoolchildren being taken away, and no indication that the terrorists targeted an educational institution in session.

Security sources confirmed that accountability checks conducted after the attack found no cases of student abduction.

In fact, the only confirmed casualties were one civilian who was reportedly struck by a stray bullet fired by the terrorists and one member of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) who sustained a gunshot wound to the arm.

Sources said also that the terrorists set fire to clothing and personal belongings belonging to the hunters stationed at the outpost. No troops were killed or injured during the engagement.

Further undermining the false reports is video footage obtained by Zagazola Makama from the aftermath of the attack. In the footage, one of the affected hunters is seen showing the damaged facility and burnt belongings while lamenting the destruction caused by the terrorists.

The hunter can be heard explaining that the location served as their place of accommodation and operational base.

“This is where we sleep,” he says while pointing to the affected section of the building.

The footage clearly supports military accounts that the target was a hunters’ outpost and not an occupied school hosting students.

The confusion likely arose because the hunters’ base was situated within the premises of a primary school building.

Photographs and videos showing damaged classrooms were subsequently circulated online without context, leading some platforms to incorrectly conclude that a school had been attacked and students abducted.

The result was the rapid spread of misinformation that failed basic verification standards.

Given Chibok’s painful history, any report involving schools and abductions naturally attracts national and international attention. This makes accurate reporting even more important.

FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.

The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.

Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.

The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.

The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.

It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.

The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.

The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.

Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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