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DELTA 2023: THE REALITY OF ‘WHO THE CAP FITS’

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DELTA 2023: THE REALITY OF 'WHO THE CAP FITS'

DELTA 2023: THE REALITY OF ‘WHO THE CAP FITS’

By: Charles Enuma

As the race for who eventually occupies the Dennis Osadebe House Asaba as the Number One Citizen of Delta State heightens, there appears to be a general consensus that Delta Central Senatorial District is poised to produce the next occupant, according to what has been loosely termed the Zoning Formula of the Ruling Party PDP.  Delta Central Senatorial District comprises 8 LGAs out of the 25 that make up the entire State and it is predominantly occupied by the Urhobos that also form the highest homogeneous voting population of the state. It is therefore not surprising that the region is currently parading the highest number of governorship aspirants while only a handful from Delta South Senatorial District of mostly Ijaw extraction are also testing the waters to revalidate the sanctity of the PDP Zoning Formula that has brought about relative peace and stability in the political atmosphere of the State.

Political pundits have been gazing at the crystal ball, trying to decode the body language of the incumbent governor, Sen. Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa in order to pitch tent in the camp where victory is sure. There was an initial pandemonium when viral media reports claimed that the Governor had decided to jettison the Zoning Arrangement as it was not enshrined in the PDP Constitution as the Primary Election that produced him as Governor also fielded contestants that cut across all 3 senatorial districts. At a quarterly media briefing held on 20th May 2021 in Asaba, the Governor was widely reported to have said, “a gentleman’s agreement is one that is not written. I want to believe that that is what it is supposed to be. There was no formal meeting where a gentleman’s agreement was reached and that is the truth as of today.” The dust arising from this controversy seems to have whittled down as the Governor may have resolved to look towards the direction of Delta Central for the choice of his successor come next year 2023 in honour of the ‘Unwritten Gentleman’s Agreement’.

In his recent remarks during the celebration of Urhobo Progress Union (UPU) 90th Anniversary, where he was Special Guest of Honour, Gov. Ifeanyi Okowa called on Urhobo people to prune down the number of aspirants in the governorship race, advising that it was in their best interest to reduce the numbers. According to him, “when there are too many sons and daughters in a race, it creates its own challenge and I believe that the elders have understood this. There is a need to trim down and I believe that the time is now.” It is generally believed in some quarters that it was this crucial advice of the Governor that inspired the much acclaimed Screening Exercise of DC-23, a PDP Pressure Group that had been conscientiously and vigorously canvassing for the emergence of a Governor from Delta Central in the next dispensation, in accordance with the Zoning Formula.

Also Read: CCECC Promises Involvement in Nigeria’s Economic Recovery

12 Aspirants who had earlier declared their gubernatorial ambitions were invited and painstakingly examined by a Screening Committee with great emphasis on scrutiny and evaluation of their individual profiles, manifestos, leadership antecedents amongst others. Senator Emmanuel Aguariavwodo, Chief James Augoye, Chief David Edevbie, Chief Kenneth Gbagi and Rt. Hon. Chief Sheriff Oborevwori emerged the Top 5 that their chances of victory would be further evaluated in that order here.

*Senator Emmanuel Aguariavwodo*

He appears to be the most prepared, going by his leadership antecedents and experience in public service. He has tested the waters of contesting and winning elections, being the only Deltan currently that had represented his constituency in both chambers of the National Assembly (House of Reps Member and Distinguished Senator). He also emerged the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) at a time when most of the aspirants were still learning the ropes in public service. He served some time with the incumbent Governor in the 7th Senate, and both of them can be likened to be contemporaries. There is no doubt that there is strong affinity between these two and it was not surprising that the Governor promptly picked him to chair his Transition Subcommittee on Infrastructure. The recommendations of the Subcommittee became an integral part of the SMART Agenda of the current administration and he was subsequently appointed Special Adviser on Infrastructure and Housing Development by the Governor. Aguariavwodo comes with a lot of experience that cuts across both private and public sectors and his humility in service is quite exceptional, which his critics have used to campaign against him in their illogical assertion that having risen to echelon heights of NDDC Managing Director, overseeing execution of intervention projects in 9 states, it was condescending of him to have agreed to serve as a Special Adviser to the Governor. His critics are also quick to point out that he is the oldest amongst the Top 5 aspirants and has ran the most silent campaign that makes some members of the public wonder if he is truly in the race.

*Chief James Augoye*

He can be classified a newbreed of emerging leaders in Delta State as the highest political office he has ever occupied was being Commissioner for Works 2015-2019 in the Okowa Administration before the dissolution of the cabinet by his Principal on Tuesday 18th May 2021. He is reputed to be the longest serving Commissioner for Works in Delta State. Prior to this, he had been elected Councilor representing Ward 10 in Okpe Local Government Area 2004-2007, appointed Okpe Local Government Council Caretaker Chairman 2012-2014 and Okpe LGA Coordinator 2015 PDP Campaign. He was also appointed member of the Okpe Local Government Transition Committee, where he served as Chairman of the Internal Revenue Generating Committee in 2003. His critics are quick to point out that his leadership antecedents appear too localised and he lacks the exposure to tackle governance issues in a dynamic state like Delta that is long overdue to connect into a global network of emerging state economies like Lagos and derive inherent benefits of astronomical growth and rapid transformation with abundant opportunities.

*Chief David Edevbie*

He has quite a robust profile, making his debut in public service as Commissioner for Finance and Economic Planning under the Ibori Administration, Director of Finance and Strategy in the campaign of the then PDP presidential candidate, Late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who later appointed him Principal Secretary upon his election as President in 2007, where he served until April 2010 after the death of President Yar’Adua. He would later go on to establish his own consulting firm Avantgarde and he stayed outside public limelight for a while, especially during the trial, conviction and eventual incarceration of Ibori in the UK. He returned to mainstream politics in 2014 to contest in the Delta State PDP gubernatorial primaries of 8th December 2014, where he lost to Okowa, emerging the First Runner-up, albeit with a wide margin. He was appointed Commissioner of Finance and Chief of Staff in the first and second tenures respectively of the Okowa Administration. Prior to his foray into public service, he had cut his teeth in international banking, rising to become the Head of Asia and Pacific  Regions of Commonwealth Development Corporation in the United Kingdom, where he was born and bred. His critics believe he is being carried everywhere by former Governor James Ibori, largely perceived as his political godfather who had been spoon-feeding him from his political cradle till date. He is generally seen to be only relevant to the extent that Ibori’s shadow covers him. In political circles, he is also touted as one that cannot be trusted, having brazenly violated the same PDP Zoning Formula he is exploiting today, by vigorously contesting against Gov. Okowa, even when he knew it was the turn of Delta North to produce the Governor. His personality in social and community circles has been dubbed as one of an unrepentant snub, finding it mostly difficult to socialise and interact with those he thinks are below his social status, a class where most Deltans he seeks to govern belong. It is not surprising therefore that he has never contested and won any election in his entire political career apart from privileges of appointments at the instance of his benefactor Gov. Ibori.

Also Read: KADCHMA: Governor El-Rufai urge to sack Deputy’s Son over…

*Chief Kenneth Gbagi*

He also comes with a rich profile as well but a personality wrapped in countless controversies. He is a lawyer, criminologist and entrepreneur who has dubbed himself the largest individual employer of labour in Delta State, having acquired immense wealth from buying and selling of properties at an early age by his claims. He is a security expert and instructor who has taught many top military officers hence his deep connections with the Military who controlled the wheel of fortune of Nigeria for a greater part of its post-independence years are not in doubt. After the creation of Edo and Delta states from the defunct Bendel State, a former Military Administrator of Delta between 1993 and 1994, then Colonel Bassey Asuquo, appointed him Chairman of Delta Development and Property Authority, DDPA. He was the Chairman, Legal Aid Council of Nigeria, where he nobly tried to sanitize the country’s legal system during Obasanjo’s civilian presidency. He was later appointed Minister of State for Education between 2007–2010 during the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. He also disregarded the Zoning Formula of the PDP by contesting against the incumbent Gov. Okowa and lost woefully by scoring just 2 votes against the winning vote of 409. In social circles, he is perceived as one who is arrogant, boastful and bullish. In 2020, he was declared wanted by the Police for assaulting and dehumanising 4 members of his staff after several refusal to honour police invitation. He later showed up at the State Police Headquarters, where he denied all the charges and attributed his travails to the antics of his political rivals who he alleged were on a sinister mission to cast his reputation in bad light. He would later secure an interim order restraining the Police from arresting him.

*Rt. Hon. Chief Sheriff Oborevwori*

As the incumbent Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, he wields a lot of influence and has access to enormous financial resources to pursue his gubernatorial ambition with remarkable impact. He is in relation to the other aspirants, an emerging political personality who possesses minimal experience in governance. He only broke into limelight in 2015 after he was elected the Member Representing Okpe Constituency in the Delta State House of Assembly under PDP and was elected 2 years after Speaker on 11th May 2017, following the impeachment of the then Speaker, Rt. Hon. Monday Igbuya. He was re-elected in 2019 as Speaker for a second term, following his victory at the polls to represent his Okpe Constituency. Prior to this political elevation, he was President of Osubi Community in an inglorious era, characterised by incessant extortion of oil companies and property developers in the guise of collection of Community Develooment Levy popularly called ‘deve’ that led to the unfortunate mass exodus of oil industry investors from the Warri/Effurun axis and in turn, irreversibly crippled the economy of that region till date. He does not possess the celebral composure to grapple with the dictates of modern governance requirements, as he has been found not capable of engaging in intellectual discourse, though he parades an array of awards including Speaker of the Year from the Independent Newspaper, which he received in 2021.

*CONCLUSION*

From the foregoing evaluation of the Top 5 aspirants of the PDP, the DC-23 Screening Committee must rise up against sentiments in its current task to further prune down the number to 3 as touted in some quarters, in order to create room for improved focus for PDP delegates that would decide the choice of the Party’s flagbearer later this year at its primaries. The Zoning Formula accords each senatorial district a rare privilege of foremost leadership that comes once in 24 years if the status quo is sustained, so major stakeholders of the benefitting senatorial district must come together to ensure that only the best of the alternatives is presented to electorate to make the final choice.

*_Charles Enuma is a Lagos-based Political Analyst and Social Commentator_*

DELTA 2023: THE REALITY OF ‘WHO THE CAP FITS’

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Opinion Editorial: Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

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Opinion Editorial
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

By: Oluwafisayo Aransiola Fakayode (Human Rights Lawyer & Gender Justice Advocate)
fisayoaransiola@gmail.com

Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. In few days, the National Assembly will cast a decisive vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill -a landmark bill that could reshape the country’s democratic landscape. The bill proposes creating temporary additional legislative seats that would be contested exclusively by women in Nigeria’s National and State Assemblies to address the country’s low rate of female political representation. At its core, this bill is not merely about increasing the number of women in legislative chambers, it is about affirming democracy’s most fundamental promise: equity.

For decades, Nigerian women have remained underrepresented in governance, their voices muffled in spaces where laws and policies are made and futures are decided. Women make up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, yet they hold less than 5% of seats in the National Assembly. This stark underrepresentation is not just a statistical anomaly; it is a democratic deficit. The bill seeks to correct this imbalance by guaranteeing women a minimum presence in parliament, thereby dismantling systemic barriers that have long excluded half of the nation’s population from meaningful political participation.

The bill is more than a political goal, it is a constitutional and human rights obligation hinged on the principles of substantive equality and affirmative action. This human rights obligation stems from Nigeria’s ratification of several relevant international and regional human rights treaties including the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol). These instruments place obligation on the country to eliminate barriers to women’s participation in political and public life.

Article 7 of CEDAW obligates States including Nigeria to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country, ensure women on equal terms with men have the right to vote in all elections, are eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies, participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy and are able to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government. Similarly, Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol places obligation on States Parties to take specific positive actions to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political life of their countries through affirmative action, enabling national legislation and other measures to ensure that women participate without any discrimination in all elections, women are represented equally at all levels with men in all electoral processes and women are equal partners with men at all levels of development and implementation of State policies. States shall also ensure increased and effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making.

Critics of the Reserved/Special Seats Bill often argue that it undermines meritocracy. However, this critique confuses formal equality with substantive equality. While formal equality insists that men and women should be treated the same, substantive equality recognizes that identical treatment does not always produce fair outcomes when historical and structural disadvantages exist. In a society where patriarchal norms, economic disparities, systemic bias and discrimination within political structures hinder women’s access to political participation, substantive equality demands proactive measures. By adopting the bill, Nigeria would be practicing substantive equality: ensuring that women are not only formally entitled to participate but are actually empowered and equipped with a level playing ground to do so. This approach transforms equality from a theoretical promise into a lived reality, creating a legislature that reflects the diversity of the nation.

The bill is not about giving women an unfair advantage, it is about dismantling the barriers that have marginalized them for decades. It is a corrective measure to restore balance in a system that has historically excluded half of the population from political life. The temporary nature of the bill through including provision for a review to take place after four general election cycles (16 years) ensures that it serves as a transitional mechanism, not a permanent measure. It allows women to build political capital, networks, and experience that will enable them to compete on equal terms in the future. Article 4 of CEDAW explicitly permits temporary special measures to accelerate equality, acknowledging that without corrective action, women will remain marginalized.

The forthcoming National Assembly vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill is a defining test of Nigeria’s democratic conscience. Lawmakers must recognize that passing this bill is not an act of charity toward women, but a constitutional duty and a human rights obligation to uphold equity and women’s rights. By enshrining guaranteed representation, the National Assembly would be sending a powerful message that Nigeria is ready to build a democracy that reflects the full breadth of its people’s voices. The bill is more than legislation, it is a moral compass pointing toward a fairer, stronger, and more inclusive Nigeria. A democracy that sidelines women cannot claim to be inclusive, just, or truly representative.

As the National Assembly prepares to vote, the question before Nigeria is not whether women deserve a seat at the table, but whether the nation is ready to honor its democratic ideals by ensuring that everyone, regardless of gender, has the power to shape the country’s destiny. This is a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to women’s rights, equity, and democratic integrity. To oppose this bill is to endorse the status quo of gender imbalance. To support it is to affirm that democracy must reflect the diversity of its people. Nigeria cannot claim to be a true democracy while half its population remains politically invisible.

It is time to pass the Reserved/Special Seats Bill not as a favor to women, but as fulfillment of Nigeria’s human rights obligations.

Opinion Editorial:
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

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Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

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Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

By Mohamed M. Fall,

United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria
Women face walls every day. Walls built by history, culture, and fear. They face them in schools, offices, homes, streets, and now, in the digital world. Globally, women are still denied full access to power, education, and safety. They are underrepresented in political spaces, earn less, speak less, and lead less.
Nigeria has made strides. More women are entering politics, business, and leadership.

Opportunities are growing. Yet barriers remain. Only a small fraction of elected positions are held by women. There is work to do. The path to equality is not yet complete.
Violence is still part of many women’s lives. In Nigeria, the 2024 Demographic and Health Survey shows that 21 percent of women aged 15–49 have experienced physical or sexual violence. That is one in five women. But there is progress. Physical violence has dropped from 31 to 19 percent, sexual violence from 9 to 5 percent. Numbers alone cannot measure the pain or fear. But they do show that change is possible.

While physical violence may be slowly declining, a new threat rises. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence hides behind screens, strikes in private messages, spreads on social media, and silences women online. It blocks voices in politics. It interrupts education. It threatens livelihoods. It can even trigger harm offline.

Across Nigeria, women journalists are attacked online for asking questions. Politicians face threats for standing up. Students are shamed and humiliated. Activists are trolled and impersonated. Women at home are stalked and coerced. Cyberstalking, image-based sexual abuse, sextortion, impersonation, hate speech—all have become weapons. These are not just stories in the news. They are daily realities. Behind every number is a woman whose rights are being challenged.


Globally, 16 to 58 percent of women report experiencing digital abuse. Emerging technologies make it worse. Artificial intelligence can create deepfake pornography, identity theft, and coordinated harassment. Studies show that 90 to 95 percent of deepfake content targets women. Technology should connect us, empower us, and innovate. Instead, it is sometimes misused to deepen inequality and fear.


Even as Nigeria embraces technology, gaps remain. Cyberlaws need stronger enforcement. Digital literacy can improve. Gender biases persist. Survivors often find little recourse. Stigma, impunity, and limited justice remain challenges. Yet, positive steps exist. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act of 2015 is a foundation. Advocacy flourishes. Nigeria is building systems that protect women.


We cannot wait. Ending digital violence requires every hand, every voice, every mind.
The government must continue its leadership. Strengthen the Cybercrimes Act. Address the borderless reach of online gender-based violence. Train law enforcement to respond to digital harm. Adopt a national framework on online safety. Invest in prevention. Teach digital literacy. Include healthy online behavior in life skills education. Support community action. These measures can protect and empower women and girls.


Technology companies must also act. Make online spaces safer. Improve moderation. Be transparent. Support local languages. Adopt Safety-by-Design. Collaborate with governments and civil society. Online platforms must empower, not oppress.
Civil society, media, traditional and religious leaders, parents, and teachers all have roles.

Advocate. Raise awareness. Support survivors. Challenge harmful norms. Promote respect, consent, and digital responsibility. Young people can lead by example, modeling safe and respectful online behavior.


Every one of us can make a difference. Pause before you share. Challenge online hate. Stand up for the targeted. Speak for the silenced. Together, we can transform Nigeria’s digital spaces into places where women and girls can speak, learn, lead, and thrive.


This year’s 16 Days of Activism theme—“UNiTE! End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls”—demands action. It reminds us that online abuse is not a private problem. It is a societal challenge. Ending it is a shared responsibility. Technology must lift us, not harm us. Rights must be protected. Voices must be heard.


We know the challenges are real. Gender inequality persists. Women are underrepresented in politics. Cyberviolence is rising. But hope is real. Change is possible. Courage exists in every girl who logs on to learn. Strength exists in every woman who speaks her mind online. Resilience exists in every survivor who refuses to be silenced.


Now is the time to act. Build policies that protect. Build systems that empower. Build a society where women and girls are safe online and offline. Where technology amplifies voices instead of hiding them. Where every woman can dream, aspire, and lead without fear.


We can create that future. A future where every woman and girl is free to speak, lead, and thrive. A future where voices are unbroken.

Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

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My Public Servant Journey

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My Public Servant Journey

By Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji-Abba

Every journey begins with a single step, and mine into public service began on 22nd October 1990, when I took up an appointment at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH). At that time, I was a young man—full of ambition and determination—eager to contribute my quota to the growth of my community and my country. What I did not realize then was that this path would not only shape my career, but also mold my character, values, and outlook on life.

The Early Days

The early days were not easy. I started from the basics—handling routine administrative tasks, learning the intricacies of record-keeping, and adapting to the demanding environment of public service. It was a period that taught me patience, discipline, and humility. I quickly learned that in public service, dedication and accountability are not optional—they are the very foundation upon which trust is built.
I recall working long hours to ensure that essential records were accurate and supplies were properly managed. It wasn’t glamorous work, but it was crucial. Hospitals rely heavily on efficiency behind the scenes. Every file I handled and every item I documented could impact the quality of care delivered to patients in need.

As the years passed, I rose through the ranks. Promotions came not just as recognition, but as greater calls to commitment. Moving into supervisory and later managerial roles meant I was no longer responsible only for myself, but also for the performance and welfare of others.

Becoming Head of Department (Stores) was a defining milestone in my journey. I was entrusted with ensuring the availability and proper management of critical medical supplies. This role demanded a careful balance—ensuring accountability, minimizing wastage, and making decisions guided by both policy and ethics. It was during this phase that I fully grasped the weight of stewardship. Public service is about managing resources as if they were your own—because in truth, they belong to the people.

No journey is without its trials. The public sector in UMTH is not without its share of bureaucratic bottlenecks, resource constraints, and slow-moving systems. There were moments of frustration—delayed approvals, limited resources, or a lack of recognition.
But I learned to see these challenges as opportunities for personal and professional growth. They built in me a sense of resilience, resourcefulness, and purpose. Most importantly, they reminded me that true service is not about personal comfort, but about the collective good.

Looking back, I carry with me timeless lessons that have guided every stage of my career:

  • Integrity is priceless. In public service, honesty and transparency are the strongest currencies.
  • Service is sacrifice. It means putting the needs of others above personal convenience.
  • Leadership is responsibility. Being in charge is not about authority, but about accountability and inspiration.
  • Impact is not always visible. The value of one’s work lies in the quiet difference it makes in people’s lives, even when unrecognized.

Now, with 35 years of service behind me, I see this journey as more than just a career—it has been a life of service. A life defined by quiet but meaningful contributions to healthcare delivery, administrative efficiency, and community impact.
It is indeed a remarkable coincidence that on this very date, 22nd October 1990, I began my career in the service of UMTH—and today, 22nd October 2025, I formally retire. Exactly thirty-five (35) years of committed and honorable service.
This symbolic alignment of dates signifies not only the completion of a full circle but also a journey of unwavering dedication, growth, and fulfillment. I am deeply grateful to Almighty Allah (SWT) for His guidance and protection throughout this journey, and for granting me the grace to retire peacefully and honorably.

I am honored and fulfilled by the efforts I made and the contributions I offered—even in the face of challenges. My heartfelt prayers go to those still in service: May Allah (SWT) grant you wisdom, ease, and peace to complete your own journey with honor.
To the Management of UMTH, I offer this parting counsel:

  • Treat every member of staff with justice, fairness, and dignity.
  • Appointments and promotions should be based on merit and seniority—not favoritism, influence, or eye service.
  • Keep your promises and let honesty and transparency guide your decisions.
  • Let every staff member feel valued and motivated, and let patients feel the true presence of government through ethical, heartfelt service. Revive the ethical conduct and professionalism that once defined UMTH—a place where patients receive the best care and staff are proud to serve.

In Conclusion

Public service gave me a sense of purpose, pride, and legacy. Service does not end with retirement—it is a lifelong calling. And if I were to begin all over again, I would still choose this noble path.
Because in serving others, we find the truest meaning of life. Thank you.

Comrade Abubakar a distinguished and Meritorious Retiree of the UMTH lives in Maiduguri. He is an Administrative Veteran with Accomplished and legendary Pace setting records.

My Public Servant Journey

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