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Analyzing Nehikhare’s Open Letter to Ize Iyamu: Unmasking Obaseki’s Orhionmwon Developmental Claims

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Analyzing Nehikhare’s Open Letter to Ize Iyamu: Unmasking Obaseki’s Orhionmwon Developmental Claims

By: Augustine Osayande

In my professional capacity, it is imperative to express a reluctance towards narratives that tend to target personalities instead of addressing pertinent issues. Nevertheless, this engagement with an open letter directed at Pastor Osagie Ize Iyamu from the Honorable Commissioner for Communication and Orientation, representing Orhionmwon Local Government Area in the Edo State Executive Council, has left me compelled to dissect the content without dismissing it outright.
Titled “OPEN LETTER TO PASTOR OSAGIE IZE IYAMU,” the letter, penned by Nehikhare, draws attention to the commendable feat of documenting all political appointees from our Local Government—a practice worthy of archival for future references.
The crux of Nehikhare’s missive revolves around the assertion that Governor Obaseki has ushered in significant development and impactful projects in Orhionmwon Local Government Area, thereby benefiting the populace and enhancing the lives of thousands of residents. While Nehikhare contends that Obaseki’s legacies in the area are beyond reproach, I cannot help but approach this claim with a degree of skepticism.
Particularly, Nehikhare’s assertion that Governor Obaseki facilitated the establishment of the Energy Park in Egbokor Community appears to be a fallacy. Contrary to the claim, the Energy Park is part of the Nigerian Oil and Gas Park being developed by the Nigeria Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB). The overarching goal is to promote a cluster model of production, fostering collaboration among enterprises to enhance productivity, efficiency, and competition. It is crucial to emphasize that similar parks are being developed across all Niger Delta States by the NCDMB.
During the test run of the Modular Refinery in the Energy Park, Governor Obaseki pledged to provide necessary road infrastructure and address the educational and healthcare needs of the area. In light of this commitment, I challenge Nehikhare to present evidence showcasing the current state of the road, schools, and healthcare facilities in Egbokor Community.
Nehikhare highlighted the refurbishment of several classroom blocks as a noteworthy accomplishment of Governor Obaseki in Orhiomnwon Local Government. However, specific details regarding the current student and faculty statistics were not provided, despite the claim that the school has become one of the best in the country. Additionally, there was a lack of information regarding the accreditation status of the various programs offered at the college by the National Commission for College of Education. During my visit to Abudu in 2023, I observed that specific sections of the institution were overlooked, giving rise to an aesthetic reminiscent of a conventional forest. This was notably in contrast to the vibrant condition observed in the surrounding areas, exemplified by the well-maintained state of my village’s Oheze-Nake traditional cemetery.
According to Mr. Nehikhare, Governor Obaseki has successfully transformed Orhionmwon into a significant gas and petrochemical hub, with the local government now hosting more than four prominent oil and gas companies. It is a commendable accomplishment, and in the spirit of transparency in this digital era, I respectfully urge him to disclose the names and precise geographical locations of these companies. Such information would be valuable for geo-referencing purposes and could be cross-referenced with the latest available financial statements.
Regrettably, Mr. Nehikhare’s attempt to highlight Governor Obaseki’s purported accomplishments in Orhionmwon Local Government seems to have encountered a misstep. Specifically, his reference to individual oil palm farms as state government achievements raises questions. To provide a more accurate representation of the governor’s impact, I encourage Mr. Nehikhare to elaborate on the government interventions that these farmers have benefited from. Additionally, it would be insightful to know the number of farmers in Orhionmwon who have reaped the rewards of such government interventions. This level of detail would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the true impact of Governor Obaseki’s initiatives in the local community.
Finally, Mr. Nehikhare highlighted a bill passed by the State House of Assembly in September 2022 and the Ossiomo Power Plant situated at Ologbo in the Ikpoba Okha Local Government Area as Governor Obaseki’s accomplishments in Orhionmwon Local Government. However, crucial data regarding the number of communities in the local government that benefited from the government’s outgoing electricity program was not provided.
In conclusion, while Nehikhare’s open letter provides a valuable record of political appointments, critical scrutiny is essential when evaluating claims related to the development attributed to Governor Obaseki in Orhionmwon Local Government Area. It is essential to respectfully point out to Mr. Nehikhare that his name has been included with other politicians in his Open Letter who were granted the opportunity to represent our esteemed local government but have, unfortunately, fallen short of meeting the expectations of the people.

Osayande, PhD, contributed this piece from Abuja via austinelande@yahoo.com

Analyzing Nehikhare’s Open Letter to Ize Iyamu: Unmasking Obaseki’s Orhionmwon Developmental Claims

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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