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Borno: From ashes of insecurity to agric revolution

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Borno: From ashes of insecurity to agric revolution

By Hamza Suleiman

Prior to the Boko Haram insurgency Borno was one of the most agriculturally advanced states in Nigeria with more than two-third of its population engaged in cereal crops, livestock, fishery, and poultry production.

This contributed significantly to Nigeria’s food supply chain, making it a crucial player in feeding the country’s vast population.

However, the insurgency had a devastating impact on agriculture, similar to its effects on the economy and social sectors and residents took refuge in other parts of the country.

The damage was monumental, leading to malnutrition in children and breastfeeding mothers, as well as hunger and starvation among the population, ultimately culminating in a humanitarian crisis in the entire North-East region.

The aftermath of the devastation was estimated to be in the billions of dollars, leaving a significant portion of the population without livelihoods and dependent on food aid from the government and humanitarian organizations.

In 2019, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum assumed office as the elected governor of Borno State, inheriting one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world at the time, with approximately 2.5 million displaced persons.

These individuals, who previously engaged in rain-fed and irrigation activities, cultivating thousands of hectares of arable land across the state’s 20 local government areas, also lost their livelihoods as fishermen and animal breeders.

This significantly reduced the state’s food production capacity to almost zero.
As a result, citizens faced hunger and starvation, and the supply of well-bred animals, dried fish, and other fishery products to markets across Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon Republics was severely impacted.

Notably, the Federal Government established the Lake Chad Basin Development Commission (LCBDC).
This was in recognition of Borno’s significant contribution to agriculture. There was also the establishment of Lake Chad Basin Research Institute in Maiduguri, to enhance studies and innovations in various fields of agriculture.

Zulum also built on the Reconstruction, Rehabilitation, and Resettlement program initiated by his predecessor, Vice-President Kashim Shettima. This programme prioritised agriculture, which received significant attention.

During the launch of the Renewed Hope Initiative Women Agricultural Support Programme (RHI-WASP), Zulum emphasised the importance of agriculture in Borno’s development.

“Our government has made agriculture a top priority, and we are committed to mobilizing resources to boost its growth.
“To achieve this, we have procured essential agricultural machinery and inputs like tractors, chemicals, and fertilisers.

`This will significantly enhance our farmers’ productivity. Our goal is to support our farmers in every way possible to increase their agricultural output and promote food security.

He said, “We must shift our focus from short-term humanitarian support to medium and long-term sustainable solutions, and that is agriculture”, Zulum said.

RHI-WASP is the initiative of the wife of the President, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, designed to encourage women to engage in agricultural activities and contribute to the food sufficiency agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Zulum’s administration has empowered 120 women farmers from the North-East region with N500,000 each, and 100 persons with disabilities from Borno with N100,000 each, to support their agricultural endeavors’’, the document said.
The Borno government recognises the importance of logistics support to farmers hence it has taken to meet some of their challenges.

For instance it procured one million liters of petrol which was distributed at a subsidized rate to farmers across the state and distributed 20,000 bags of fertilisers to them.

The government also provided 1,000 solar-powered water pumps and 5,000 water pump machines to farmers in the three senatorial districts.

Among others, the state government established modern, innovative and climate-smart irrigation schemes at Bokkoiri in Konduga; Kulunnam in Magumeri, Jaffi in Kwaya Kusar, Mafa in Mafa, Bulabulin, Shuwari and Gajibo in Dikwa and Logomane in Ngala LGA, respectively.

Similarly, the Zulum administration is investing hugely in drip irrigation to accelerate cash crop production such as maize, cassava and sesame seeds, even as it has inaugurated a 20-hectare sesame plantation at Koiri pilot drip irrigation scheme.

“Let’s carefully put things in order. Borno State will start exporting sesame and other cash crops in the near future.
“We will subsequently change focus and invest our resources in irrigation farming or, rather, food production.

I assure you that we will provide the political will needed to achieve food sufficiency.

“We need to expand our scope; we should identify bigger lands, we can expand with another 100 hectares each in Borno Central, South and North Senatorial Districts.

“My predecessor has procured about 10,000 hectares of drip irrigation kits. After this year’s rainy season, we hope the state will be able to cultivate at least 1,000 hectares”, Zulum said.

The Zulum administration recorded significant success in enhancing extension and farmers support services as it distributed improved variety seeds, fertilisers, chemical and knapsack sprayers to 3,000 rice farmers at Ngala and Gwoza.

It also provided 250 water pumps, 250 tubewells, assorted seeds, and agrochemicals to 1,000 Dry season farmers in Baga resettled community, while 1,000 tubewells and 1,000 water pumps were distributed to rice growers at Damasak in Mobbar LGA.

Farmers in Tarmuwa-Banki also received 50 units of water pumps with accessories, 50 tubewells, seeds, fertiliser, and chemicals to dry season farmers.’’, among other initiatives.

The efforts of the administration have not gone unnoticed by experts and other stakeholders in the sector.

Executive Secretary of National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA), Prince Paul Ikonne urged all stakeholders to emulate Zulum in his agriculture sector revolution.

He spoke at the inauguration of projects executed by NALDA in Jere Local Government Area of Borno.
“I want to call on all stakeholders to quickly key into this agricultural revolution of Mr President (Bola Tinubu) by adopting the method of Borno State, the method of unconditional land donation and method of total commitment.

“I thank you, Mr governor, for your support for agriculture, your support for the development of Borno…NALDA will continue to partner Borno because Borno has the potential to develop food production and achieve food security in Nigeria’’, Ikonne said.
A social media influencer, Abudulla Ayofe, has also commended Zulum over his steps to transform the agric sector in Borno.

“Governor Zulum’s administration is turning desert into green fields in a bid to push the modern agriculture revolution in Borno State’’, he said in one of his verified social media posts.

Gaji Ngari, a grain farmer in Dille village in Askira/Uba Local Government Area, said Zulum had not only transformed farming but also the lives of farmers.
“The government has done a lot for us, particularly given our recent history; gradually, we are picking ourselves up’’, he said.

Agric experts say in spite of the achievements, more still needs to be done to position Borno in a position to reach its agric potential.

They say the state government should further explore technology in providing logistics for farmers. They say such tools can be used to predict weather and latest agriculture inputs.

They also call for strengthened security in the state, particularly around farmlands, which are still vulnerable to sporadic security breaches, as well as provide financial security for farmers through soft loans.

Hamza Suleiman is a Senior Correspondent of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN)

Borno: From ashes of insecurity to agric revolution

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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