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Borno: From ashes of insecurity to agric revolution
Borno: From ashes of insecurity to agric revolution
By Hamza Suleiman
Prior to the Boko Haram insurgency Borno was one of the most agriculturally advanced states in Nigeria with more than two-third of its population engaged in cereal crops, livestock, fishery, and poultry production.
This contributed significantly to Nigeria’s food supply chain, making it a crucial player in feeding the country’s vast population.
However, the insurgency had a devastating impact on agriculture, similar to its effects on the economy and social sectors and residents took refuge in other parts of the country.
The damage was monumental, leading to malnutrition in children and breastfeeding mothers, as well as hunger and starvation among the population, ultimately culminating in a humanitarian crisis in the entire North-East region.
The aftermath of the devastation was estimated to be in the billions of dollars, leaving a significant portion of the population without livelihoods and dependent on food aid from the government and humanitarian organizations.
In 2019, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum assumed office as the elected governor of Borno State, inheriting one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world at the time, with approximately 2.5 million displaced persons.
These individuals, who previously engaged in rain-fed and irrigation activities, cultivating thousands of hectares of arable land across the state’s 20 local government areas, also lost their livelihoods as fishermen and animal breeders.
This significantly reduced the state’s food production capacity to almost zero.
As a result, citizens faced hunger and starvation, and the supply of well-bred animals, dried fish, and other fishery products to markets across Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon Republics was severely impacted.
Notably, the Federal Government established the Lake Chad Basin Development Commission (LCBDC).
This was in recognition of Borno’s significant contribution to agriculture. There was also the establishment of Lake Chad Basin Research Institute in Maiduguri, to enhance studies and innovations in various fields of agriculture.
Zulum also built on the Reconstruction, Rehabilitation, and Resettlement program initiated by his predecessor, Vice-President Kashim Shettima. This programme prioritised agriculture, which received significant attention.
During the launch of the Renewed Hope Initiative Women Agricultural Support Programme (RHI-WASP), Zulum emphasised the importance of agriculture in Borno’s development.
“Our government has made agriculture a top priority, and we are committed to mobilizing resources to boost its growth.
“To achieve this, we have procured essential agricultural machinery and inputs like tractors, chemicals, and fertilisers.
`This will significantly enhance our farmers’ productivity. Our goal is to support our farmers in every way possible to increase their agricultural output and promote food security.
He said, “We must shift our focus from short-term humanitarian support to medium and long-term sustainable solutions, and that is agriculture”, Zulum said.
RHI-WASP is the initiative of the wife of the President, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, designed to encourage women to engage in agricultural activities and contribute to the food sufficiency agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
Zulum’s administration has empowered 120 women farmers from the North-East region with N500,000 each, and 100 persons with disabilities from Borno with N100,000 each, to support their agricultural endeavors’’, the document said.
The Borno government recognises the importance of logistics support to farmers hence it has taken to meet some of their challenges.
For instance it procured one million liters of petrol which was distributed at a subsidized rate to farmers across the state and distributed 20,000 bags of fertilisers to them.
The government also provided 1,000 solar-powered water pumps and 5,000 water pump machines to farmers in the three senatorial districts.
Among others, the state government established modern, innovative and climate-smart irrigation schemes at Bokkoiri in Konduga; Kulunnam in Magumeri, Jaffi in Kwaya Kusar, Mafa in Mafa, Bulabulin, Shuwari and Gajibo in Dikwa and Logomane in Ngala LGA, respectively.
Similarly, the Zulum administration is investing hugely in drip irrigation to accelerate cash crop production such as maize, cassava and sesame seeds, even as it has inaugurated a 20-hectare sesame plantation at Koiri pilot drip irrigation scheme.
“Let’s carefully put things in order. Borno State will start exporting sesame and other cash crops in the near future.
“We will subsequently change focus and invest our resources in irrigation farming or, rather, food production.
I assure you that we will provide the political will needed to achieve food sufficiency.
“We need to expand our scope; we should identify bigger lands, we can expand with another 100 hectares each in Borno Central, South and North Senatorial Districts.
“My predecessor has procured about 10,000 hectares of drip irrigation kits. After this year’s rainy season, we hope the state will be able to cultivate at least 1,000 hectares”, Zulum said.
The Zulum administration recorded significant success in enhancing extension and farmers support services as it distributed improved variety seeds, fertilisers, chemical and knapsack sprayers to 3,000 rice farmers at Ngala and Gwoza.
It also provided 250 water pumps, 250 tubewells, assorted seeds, and agrochemicals to 1,000 Dry season farmers in Baga resettled community, while 1,000 tubewells and 1,000 water pumps were distributed to rice growers at Damasak in Mobbar LGA.
Farmers in Tarmuwa-Banki also received 50 units of water pumps with accessories, 50 tubewells, seeds, fertiliser, and chemicals to dry season farmers.’’, among other initiatives.
The efforts of the administration have not gone unnoticed by experts and other stakeholders in the sector.
Executive Secretary of National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA), Prince Paul Ikonne urged all stakeholders to emulate Zulum in his agriculture sector revolution.
He spoke at the inauguration of projects executed by NALDA in Jere Local Government Area of Borno.
“I want to call on all stakeholders to quickly key into this agricultural revolution of Mr President (Bola Tinubu) by adopting the method of Borno State, the method of unconditional land donation and method of total commitment.
“I thank you, Mr governor, for your support for agriculture, your support for the development of Borno…NALDA will continue to partner Borno because Borno has the potential to develop food production and achieve food security in Nigeria’’, Ikonne said.
A social media influencer, Abudulla Ayofe, has also commended Zulum over his steps to transform the agric sector in Borno.
“Governor Zulum’s administration is turning desert into green fields in a bid to push the modern agriculture revolution in Borno State’’, he said in one of his verified social media posts.
Gaji Ngari, a grain farmer in Dille village in Askira/Uba Local Government Area, said Zulum had not only transformed farming but also the lives of farmers.
“The government has done a lot for us, particularly given our recent history; gradually, we are picking ourselves up’’, he said.
Agric experts say in spite of the achievements, more still needs to be done to position Borno in a position to reach its agric potential.
They say the state government should further explore technology in providing logistics for farmers. They say such tools can be used to predict weather and latest agriculture inputs.
They also call for strengthened security in the state, particularly around farmlands, which are still vulnerable to sporadic security breaches, as well as provide financial security for farmers through soft loans.
Hamza Suleiman is a Senior Correspondent of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN)
Borno: From ashes of insecurity to agric revolution
News
Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
News
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
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