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Coalition of Human Rights Organisations Condemn Repression of Media in Burkina Faso
Coalition of Human Rights Organisations Condemn Repression of Media in Burkina Faso
By: Michael Mike
African citizen movements, activists, campaigners, civil society actors strongly condemn the ongoing repression of journalists and media actors, as well as the drastic closing of civic space in Burkina Faso
The day after their arrest, the government decided to dissolve the AJB, justifying the measure on the grounds of alleged non-compliance with a 2015 law governing associations.
‘According to the law. there is no association called the Association of Journalists of Burkina, declared the Minister of Territorial Administration, Emile Zerbo, in a press
release.
On March 30, the Executive Secretary of Balai Citoyen, Ousmane Lankoande, was abducted by the military junta upon his return from an event in Cotonou, Benin. Just days prior, another Balai Citoyen activist,
Amadou Sawadogo, was also kidnapped in Ouagadougou. Both individuals remain missing, and their whereabouts are still unknown.
These incidents reflect the increasingly repressive environment in Burkina Faso, where civil society actors are targeted and silenced under the current regime.
Several journalists and media figures were kidnapped and reported missing in 2024, including Atiana Serges Oulon, Bienvenu Apiou, James Dembélé, Mamadou Ali Compaoré, Kalifara Séré and Adama Bayala.
All were known for their criticism of the ruling junta. Until then, Burkina
Faso enjoyed a dynamic, professional and pluralist media landscape.
The country had more than 80 newspapers (Sidwaya, L’Événement, Le Pays), 185 radio stations (Omega FM), around 30 television channels (Radiodiffusion Télévision du Burkina, BF1) and more than a hundred
news websites (faso.net, Faso 7, Burkina 24).
Since the junta led by Captain Ibrahim Traoré came to power on 30 September 2022, censorship has intensified. The authorities began by banning access to several international media such as Deutsche Welle, Le Monde.fr, The Guardian, BBC, Voice of America, RFI, France 24 and
Jeune Afrique, accusing them of ‘harming the national effort against armed jihadist groups’
As a result, Burkina Faso saw its ranking in the World Press Freedom Index drop from 58ᵉ place in 2023 to 86ᵉ in 2024.
Repression is not limited to journalists. Political activists, human rights defenders and artists are either kidnapped or forced into exile. On 18 March, journalist Idrissa Barry, a member of the political movement
Servir et non se servir (Sens), was abducted in broad daylight after his organisation denounced massacres of civilians attributed to the army.
On 22 March, four other members of the movement suffered the same fate. In addition, the movement’s national coordinator, a lawyer and
co-founder of the Balai Citoyen collective, has been imprisoned since July 2024 on trumped-up charges of ‘conspiracy and criminal association’
.
On 25 May 2024, the junta extended the transition by five years at a national conference held behind closed doors. Traditional political parties have been excluded from the decision-making process, and the new charter imposes a criterion of ‘patriotism’ for membership of the transitional government and assembly, making opposition virtually impossible.
In fact, Burkina Faso is no longer in transition, since Captain Ibrahim
Traoré has been appointed President of Burkina Faso, a title conferred
only on an elected president. Furthermore, on 1 April 2025, in a speech broadcast on national television, the leader of the putschists officially decreed the end of democracy in Burkina Faso, proclaiming a
progressive popular revolution.
According to the Global Terrorism Index 2025, Burkina Faso has been ranked as the country most affected by terrorism for the second year running. The central Sahel region, where Burkina Faso is located, has
become the epicentre of terrorism, accounting for more than half of all
terrorism-related deaths worldwide.
A statement by a coalition of human rights organisations at the weekend said: “Burkina Faso is the country most affected by terrorism in the Sahel, according to the Global Terrorism Index. However, this situation must not be used as a pretext for the repression of fundamental freedoms.
We recall that kidnappings, carried out outside any legal judicial framework, violate several articles of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR).
We, citizens’ movements and civil society organisations committed to the defence of human rights and fundamental freedoms, demand : The immediate release of all abducted journalists and pro-democracy activists; An end to the repression of dissent voices and pro-democracy
activists; An end to the restriction of civic space and the opening up of political space for citizens’ organisations, political parties and movements to flourish; Respect for and protection of the fundamental rights of Burkina Faso’s citizens, in accordance with Article 1 of the Transition Charter adopted on 25 March 2024.
“In the face of the systematic repression of dissent voices in Burkina Faso, we urge the ECOWAS/AES mediators, and the President of Ghana, John Dramani Mahama, to intervene and make the release of these
journalists and human rights activists an absolute priority.
“Finally, we reaffirm our unwavering solidarity and support for the pro-democracy activists in Burkina Faso, who are working courageously to defend fundamental rights and civil liberties in the face of the increasing repression.”
Coalition of Human Rights Organisations Condemn Repression of Media in Burkina Faso
News
How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria
How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria
By: Zagazola Makama
Recent United States visa restrictions and mass deportation measures affecting Nigerian nationals have reopened debate on how sustained propaganda, misinformation and alarmist narratives about insecurity in Nigeria shaped international perceptions and policy responses against the country.
While Nigeria continues to face real security challenges including terrorism by ISWAP, Boko Haram, AlQaeda, banditry, farmer–herder clashes and transnational jihadist infiltration, the framing of these conflicts as an organised, state-backed “Christian genocide” has increasingly been questioned by Nigerians.
Yet, for several years, a powerful campaign driven largely by Nigerian activists, politicians and diaspora-based pressure groups portrayed Nigeria as the world’s epicentre of religious extermination, with claims that were grossly exaggerated, unverifiable or outright false.
The agitations grew domestic grievance to international propaganda. Between 2021 and 2024, a wave of advocacy emerged accusing the Nigerian state of deliberately sponsoring or protecting jihadists allegedly engaged in the daily slaughter of Christians. Some campaigners claimed that 1,500 Christians were being killed every day, a figure that would translate to more than 540,000 deaths annually, a number exceeding fatalities recorded in most active war zones globally.
One widely circulated narrative claimed that between 2010 and October 2025, 185,000 people were killed on account of their faith, including 125,000 Christians and 60,000 Muslims, allegedly based on reports from Intersociety, one of the NGO created to push the false claims.” The same narrative alleged that 19,100 churches had been burned and 1,100 Christian communities completely seized and occupied by jihadists supposedly backed or shielded by the Nigerian government.
However, independent verification of these figures consistently failed. No global conflict-monitoring organization, including ACLED, UN agencies, or major international human rights bodies as well as official bodies like Police, DSS, and the NHRC, corroborated such numbers. Nigeria’s total population stands at approximately 240 million, making such casualty claims statistically implausible without triggering global humanitarian emergency responses on the scale of Gaza, Syria or Ukraine.
Zagazola Makama report that while religiously motivated attacks occur, Nigeria’s violence landscape is far more complex, driven by criminal banditry, resource conflict, insurgency, arms proliferation, climate stress and weak border control, affecting Muslims, Christians, Pagan, traditionalist and adherents of other faiths alike.
Despite the lack of empirical grounding, these activities keep weaponizing faith to internationalise pressure. The genocide narrative gained traction in U.S. political circles, evangelical advocacy groups and sections of Western media. Some Nigerian politicians amplified these claims at international forums, urging sanctions, arms embargoes and even military intervention against their own country.
The expectation among agitators was that Trump’s administration would deploy American forces or impose targeted sanctions against Nigerian officials and groups like Miyetti Allah, Boko Haram, Bandit and those that once push for Shariah laws. Instead, the policy response took a different and far more consequential direction. Rather than physical military intervention, Washington opted for strategic intervention with the armed forces of Nigeria through technical support while in their country they opted for tougher penalties like border control, immigration enforcement and visa restrictions, citing insecurity, terrorist activity, document integrity issues and vetting challenges.
Nigeria was subsequently placed under partial U.S. travel restrictions, with the U.S. government explicitly referencing the activities of Boko Haram and ISWAP, and difficulties in screening travellers from affected regions.
The unintended security backlash
Ironically, following persistent framing of Nigeria’s violence as a religious war produced outcomes opposite to what campaigners claimed to seek. Rather than protecting Christians, the rhetoric emboldened extremist groups to carry even more deadlier attacks.
Terrorist organisations, including ISWAP, JAS and al-Qaeda-linked JNIM elements now infiltrating North-Central Nigeria, capitalised on global narratives portraying Nigeria as a battlefield of faith. By attacking churches, clergy and Christian communities, these groups sought to validate the propaganda, provoke sectarian retaliation and trigger a broader religious conflict. This strategy mirrors jihadist doctrine across the Sahel: manufacture sectarian violence, polarise society, delegitimise the state and attract recruits.
Security intelligence from Kwara and Niger States, for instance, shows JNIM’s Katiba Macina exploiting communal tensions along the Benin–Nigeria corridor, recruiting Fulani youths while framing attacks as resistance against “tyranny” language deliberately aimed at feeding international narratives of persecution.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security has since justified its tougher posture using data-driven assessments: visa overstay rates, terrorism risks, weak civil documentation systems and law-enforcement information gaps.
For Nigeria, these translated into: Partial visa suspensions for B, F, M and J categories, increased scrutiny of Nigerian travellers, inclusion in broader immigration enforcement actions, Indirect reputational damage affecting trade, education and diplomacy
Meanwhile, The Department Homeland Security announced record deportations and self-removals, over 2.5 million exits since January 2025, a development that disproportionately affects nationals of countries portrayed as high-risk, Nigeria included. Crucially, those most affected are ordinary Nigerians students, professionals, families and entrepreneurs, not terrorists, bandit leaders or militia commanders.
The Fulani bandit in the forest has no interest in a U.S. visa. It is the Nigerian student, pastor, doctor and trader who bears the cost.
Notably, as sanctions and restrictions took effect, the loud genocide rhetoric largely faded from public discourse. The activists who once dominated international media cycles have grown quieter, perhaps confronted by the reality that the consequences fell on Nigeria as a whole, not on imagined perpetrators. This pattern point to a broader lesson in strategic communication: when a nation’s internal crises are exaggerated into existential falsehoods, external actors respond not with rescue but with containment.
A cautionary lesson for national discourse is that; Nigeria’s security challenges are real and demand sustained reform, diplomatic support, and international cooperation. But weaponising religion, spreading unverifiable casualty figures and lobbying for foreign punitive action against one’s own country undermines national security rather than strengthening it. More dangerously, it feeds extremist propaganda, deepens communal mistrust and invites external decisions based on distorted perceptions.
When internal challenges are projected internationally without context or factual balance, foreign governments respond not with solidarity but with restrictions, sanctions and containment. In this environment, propaganda even when framed as advocacy, erodes diplomatic goodwill and inflicts long-term harm on citizens whose lives and opportunities are shaped by external policy decisions.
False alarms and absolutist narratives fracture social trust, embolden extremists and inflame the very fault lines terrorists seek to exploit. Ultimately, propaganda however emotionally persuasive does not protect communities; it weakens national resilience and leaves society more vulnerable to the forces it hopes to defeat.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad region
How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria
News
Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway
Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway
By: Zagazola Makama
Suspected kidnappers disguised in military uniforms have killed a serving soldier and abducted 13 passengers during coordinated attacks on two commercial vehicles along the Okene–Auchi Federal Highway.
Zagazola Makama report that the incident occurred at about 5:35 p.m. on Dec. 16 when unknown gunmen intercepted a green Toyota Sienna, conveying nine passengers from Abuja to Delta State.
The source said six passengers were abducted from the vehicle, while three others were rescued.
According to the source, the attackers also stopped a white Toyota Hiace bus, conveying 11 passengers from Delta State to Abuja, during the same operation.
“Seven passengers were abducted from the Hiace bus, while four were rescued,” the source said.
Tragically, the source said a serving Non-Commissioned Officer of the Nigerian Army, who was among the passengers and had identified himself as a soldier, was shot by the attackers.
“He sustained gunshot injuries to his legs and thighs and was later confirmed dead,” the source added.
Both vehicles were recovered and towed to a police station for safe keeping, while five empty shells of 7.62mm ammunition suspected to be from an AK-47 rifle were recovered at the scene as exhibits.
The corpse of the deceased soldier was deposited at the Okengwe General Hospital mortuary for autopsy, while statements were obtained from the rescued victims to aid investigation.
It was gathered that troops have launched joint rescue operations, including bush combing and intensive surveillance along the highway, with a view to rescuing the abducted passengers and arresting the perpetrators.
The authorities assured motorists that measures were being intensified to secure the Okene–Auchi corridor and prevent further attacks.
Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway
News
Bandits kill one, abduct several in Zamfara
Bandits kill one, abduct several in Zamfara
By: Zagazola Makama
Armed bandits have killed a young man and abducted several others during an attack on a store area in Bungudu Local Government Area of Zamfara State.
Zagazola report that the incident occurred at about 12:30 a.m. on Dec. 16 when gunmen, carrying AK-47 rifles and other sophisticated weapons, launched a sporadic shooting spree in Karakkai district.
The source said one Lukman Rabe, aged 21, was shot dead during the attack, while an unspecified number of people were abducted and taken to an unknown location.
Army troops in collaboration with joint Police, and local hunters, were immediately mobilised to the scene to secure the area.
Sources said that efforts are ongoing to rescue the abducted victims and apprehend the fleeing suspects, while residents have been urged to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activity to security agencie
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