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ECOWAS Court Gives Judgment on Press Council Inconsistency with Human Rights Law

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ECOWAS Court Gives Judgment on Press Council Inconsistency with Human Rights Law

By: Michael Mike

The ECOWAS Court of Justice has delivered its judgment in a case brought by two Nigerian journalists alleging the Nigerian Press Council Act of 1992 was discriminatory and violated their right to freedom of expression.

In its judgment delivered by Hon Justice Dupe Atoki, Judge Rapporteur, the Court declared that Sections 19 (1)(a), 27 and 37 of the Nigerian Press Council (NPC) Act failed to recognize public interest media including rights of online and citizen journalists thereby violating Article 9 (1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), and Article 8 (1) and 10 (2) of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa.

The Court therefore ordered the government of Nigeria to amend these contested Sections to align with international practices that promote free, pluralistic and professional journalism. It however dismissed other claims which were not substantiated.

The case with suit number ECW/CCJ/APP/31/21 was filed on 14 June 2021 by lawyers representing the Applicants – Mr Isaac Olamikan and Mrs Edoghogho Ugberease – online and citizen journalists who practise journalism for the promotion of freedom of expression, opinion, and access to information.

In the application, they claimed that Sections 19(1)a, 27 and 37 of the Nigeria Press Council Act of 1992 requiring journalists to be at least 18 years and accredited by the NPC, 25 years to be an editor with working experience in reputable media organization or news agency and registered with the Nigeria Union of Journalists, discriminated against them.

The Applicants’ lawyers led by Mr President Aigbokhan argued that these Sections failed to recognise public interest media such as the rights of online and citizen journalists and were therefore discriminatory and violated their right to freedom of expression as guaranteed under Articles 2 and 9(1) of the ACHPR, Article 19 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), Articles 2, 10 and 19 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Article 8 (1) and 10 (2) of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa; and breached the State’s obligation under the ECOWAS Treaty among other cited texts.

“For example, Section 37 of the Press Council Act, puts the minimum age to practice journalism as 18 years of age, while to be qualified as an editor, requires a minimum of 25 years of age. Sections 19(a) and 27 of the Act imposes educational qualifications and compulsory courses of attendance and training before a person can be recognized and allowed to practice as a journalist,” the judgment stated.

They also submitted that they were arrested separately at different locations while investigating and gathering information for their work, and that their arrest and detention were unlawful and violated their rights.

The Applicants asked the Court to order the Respondent to amend the contested Sections of the NPC Act to align with international practice and pay 1,000,000 (one million) USD as damages.

On their part, the Respondent’s lawyers Mrs Maimuna Lami Shiru and Mrs B.J. Oladipo told the Court that ‘journalism is a sensitive profession requiring mastery as well as regulation to prevent negative effect, adding that rights to information and freedom of expression are not absolute.’

The Respondent denied arresting and detaining the Applicants unlawfully, stating that the first Applicant was arrested because his action had national security implications while the second Applicant operated illegally.

They added that, in the same way as other professional bodies, there were criteria for registration and membership as journalists, and urged the Court to dismiss the case describing it as frivolous, baseless and an abuse of court process.
In its analysis, the Court determined if the matter was within its mandate, if it was admissible and if the Sections of the NPC Act were discriminatory and violated the right to freedom of expression of the Applicants. Relying on its rules of procedure and jurisprudence, the Court held the matter was within its jurisdiction and the case was admissible.

On the alleged violation of Article 2 of ACHPR the Court noted that the Applicants did not substantiate on how they were treated differently in an identical or similar situation. Consequently, it held that their rights to freedom from discrimination under Article 2 of ACHPR has not been violated.

While on the alleged violation of Article 9 (freedom of expression), the Court noted that Section 19(1) and Section 27 of the Press Act imposing minimum educational requirement, age limit and registration, were restrictive and interfered with the right to freedom of expression, and therefore violated Article 9 (2).

In reaching its decision, the Court also noted the impact of technology in the evolving media space with the advent of citizen journalists, influencers and content creators who share news, commentary, and analysis on social issues. Though not qualified in traditional sense, they contributed to shaping public opinion.

It drew inspiration from young activists notably Malala Yousafzai and Greta Thunberg who in their teens integrated online media in their advocacy and have attained world recognition through a free and unrestricted opportunity to gather information and express opinion.

Regarding the Applicants’ claim of unlawful arrest and detention, the Court noted that the Applicants did not prove their arrest was unlawful. Consequently, the Court dismissed their claims of unlawful arrest and request for compensation.

Both parties were ordered to bear their costs of litigation.

Also on the bench were Hon Justices Edward Amoako Asante (presiding) and Sengu M. Koroma (Member).

ECOWAS Court Gives Judgment on Press Council Inconsistency with Human Rights Law

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Seven Cameroonians arrested over alleged involvement in banditry near border community in Benue

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Seven Cameroonians arrested over alleged involvement in banditry near border community in Benue

By: Zagazola Makama

Security operatives in Benue have arrested seven foreign nationals suspected of involvement in local criminal activities in Imande-Agbatse, a border community between Nigeria and Cameroon.

Zagazola learnt that the suspects, all Cameroonians, were intercepted by youths of the community in the early hours of Monday and later handed over to security forces.

The arrested suspects were identified as Titakung Cyril Gadinga, Nuvi Clifford Babila, Foyabo Godwin Nuvi T, Doh Collins Dobgima, Basil Smith, Dama Kenneth Babila, and Dingana Emmanuel.

The youths who apprehended them accused the men of engaging in banditry and aiding criminal networks operating along the border axis.

They are currently in the custody of the State Police Criminal Investigation Department (SCID), where they are undergoing profiling and investigation.

Security sources say Benue remains relatively calm, even as investigations continue to determine the level of involvement of the suspects in cross-border criminal activities.

Further updates are expected as inquiries progress.

Seven Cameroonians arrested over alleged involvement in banditry near border community in Benue

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Obaseki’s Claims on Orhionmwon Land Grabbing are Misleading and Self-Serving

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Obaseki’s Claims on Orhionmwon Land Grabbing are Misleading and Self-Serving

By Augustine Osayande PhD

Former Governor Godwin Obaseki’s recent comments accusing Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu and Hon. Dennis Idahosa of “harassing investors” in Orhionmwon and Ovia are yet another attempt to distort facts and evade accountability. His claims of land grabbing are not only unsubstantiated—they follow a familiar pattern in which he manufactures political villains to divert attention from the controversies and community grievances that defined his administration.


For a political officeholder who openly claims Oredo Local Government as his home base, Obaseki’s decision to allocate more than 250,000 hectares of land in Orhionmwon Local Government Area to Saro Oil Palm Limited—without due regard for the ownership rights and interests of the host communities—is deeply troubling. The people of Orhionmwon are not tenants of the state government, and they cannot be pushed aside simply because a governor wishes to curry favour with select investors. This unilateral style of governance, where critical community interests are sacrificed at the altar of executive discretion, is precisely what Edo people rejected at the polls.


For me, one of the most troubling episodes of the Obaseki years remains the ordeal faced by the Ologbo-Nugu community in Orhionmwon Local Government Area—a story that never received the level of attention it deserved. While Obaseki was still governor, the people of this small rural community were forced to issue a desperate Save-Our-Soul (SOS) message over what they described as the forceful takeover of their ancestral land by an agricultural firm.


Let me be clear: the community never opposed investment or industrial development. In fact, like many rural communities in Edo State, they welcomed meaningful projects that could create jobs and improve livelihoods. But what they could not accept—and rightly so—was the manner in which Barnsley Nigeria Limited (BNL), operators of SARO Farms, went about asserting total control over their land. Instead of being partners in development, the community members felt bulldozed, ignored, and pushed aside.


I remember the images of their protest—their placards telling their story better than any official statement. “SARO, leave 250 hectares for us to farm or quit our land.” “Stop deceiving us.” “SARO, stop oppressing us. This is the only land we have.” These were not political slogans; they were cries for survival from people whose only source of livelihood was at stake.


The community wasn’t being unreasonable. They demanded something simple, fair, and already promised: that 250 hectares of their land be left for them to farm. That was the agreement. That was the governor’s directive. Yet, even this modest allocation was allegedly denied them, leaving them with no space to grow food crops, no way to sustain themselves, and no explanation.


The testimony that struck me the most came from the Odionwere of Ologbo-Nugu, Pa Aduwa Osaigbovo, a 96-year-old custodian of the community. Imagine a man of that age, who should be spending his days in peace, forced to lead a protest because his people were being displaced. In his gentle but pained voice, he described the actions of SARO Farms as “crude and barbaric”—not words he would use lightly.


He lamented that the company ignored the governor’s instruction to leave part of the land for the community. And he reminded the state, in a way that only someone with nearly a century of lived experience can that food scarcity is real, and that denying people farmland is condemning them to hardship.
What happened in Ologbo-Nugu is not just a community’s struggle—it is a stark reminder of what happens when development is done without humanity, without consultation, and without respect for the people whose lives are directly affected.


It is also part of why many Edo people remain skeptical when they hear politicians speak about “investor protection.” True development does not come at the cost of dispossessing ordinary people. True investment uplifts—it does not erase communities.


Ologbo-Nugu’s cry for help still echoes today, and until their grievances are addressed, it will remain a symbol of what went wrong under a government that often chose investors over the very people it was elected to serve.


Obaseki’s long-standing habit of personalising governance and portraying dissenting voices as enemies has never served the state well. Edo people do not desire leadership driven by threats, bitterness, and self-righteousness. They expect responsibility, transparency, engagement, and respect for lawful processes—values that were too often sidelined during his eight years in power.


Throughout his tenure, Obaseki routinely blamed others—political godfathers, party members, traditional rulers, labour unions, civil society, and virtually anyone who dared to question his opaque land deals or his confrontational style of administration. His latest attempt to accuse Ize-Iyamu and Idahosa of wrongdoing is simply an extension of this defensive posture. Communities in Orhionmwon, Ovia, and other affected areas have, for years, expressed dissatisfaction with land allocations issued without adequate consultation or compensation.

These legitimate grievances cannot be swept aside by pointing fingers at political opponents.
The allegations against Ize-Iyamu and Idahosa remain without evidence. Both men have consistently championed transparency, accountability, and genuine community involvement in land administration—principles that stand in stark contrast to the secrecy that characterised many of Obaseki’s investment agreements. If the former governor has credible proof that they engaged in land grabbing or investor harassment, he should present it publicly. Otherwise, his claims amount to nothing more than an attempt to shield his past decisions from the scrutiny they deserve.


Even more revealing is Obaseki’s suggestion that these political actors were “bitter because they couldn’t get access” to him during his tenure. This remark confirms what many Edo people suspected: that governance under Obaseki had become centralised, closed-off, and dependent on personal relationships rather than institutional processes. Public office is not a private estate, and no elected official is entitled to gatekeep the functions of the state.


If investors have genuine concerns, they should direct them through proper administrative channels, not hide behind the name of a former governor to generate unnecessary tension or manipulate public perception.


Obaseki’s threat that Governor Monday Okpebholo “will regret” ongoing inquiries into land matters is equally alarming. Edo people voted overwhelmingly for transparency, reform, and a full review of previous land allocations. No amount of political posturing, intimidation, or emotional blackmail will halt the push for clarity and accountability. The new administration is duty-bound to investigate all contentious land deals and ensure that community rights are upheld.


The truth is simple: investment thrives when communities are respected, agreements are clear, and government decisions are transparent. The real enemy of investor confidence is secrecy, not oversight. It is opaque decision-making—not due process—that discourages credible investors and fuels resentment among host communities.
Obaseki’s attempt to cast himself as the protector of investors does not align with the lived reality of the communities most affected by his policies. Edo State has now entered a new era—one committed to fairness, openness, community engagement, and shared prosperity.


In the end, Obaseki’s latest outburst deserves just one response: dismissal. Edo people have moved on, and no attempt to rewrite history or shift blame will change the record of his administration or obstruct the work of the current government.


Augustine Osayande, PhD contributed this piece from Abuja via austinelande@yahoo.com

Obaseki’s Claims on Orhionmwon Land Grabbing are Misleading and Self-Serving

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FG trains public servants on AI to boost service delivery

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FG trains public servants on AI to boost service delivery

The Federal Government has launched a five-day training on using artificial intelligence to improve public service delivery.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the programme targets reform directors from MDAs and local government chairmen in Gombe State.

Opening the event on Monday, Dasuki Arabi, Director-General, Bureau of Public Service Reforms, said the training aimed to deepen reforms for better service delivery.

Arabi said civil servants must learn AI tools, adding that “technology now drives effective public service”.

He stressed alignment with President Bola Tinubu’s reform agenda to improve the “value of lives of ordinary Nigerians”.

According to him, COVID-19 accelerated the shift from analogue to digital systems, making AI adoption essential.

He said: “We want participants to deliver services using AI as approved by the e-governance master plan.”

Arabi added that government policies now emphasise AI, blockchain and the internet of things within public service.

He said technology was reshaping discussions, adding, “That’s why we are changing from paper to paperless”.

He challenged reform directors to prepare for future challenges and shifts in leadership structures.

“Researchers say this may be the last batch of leaders managing people alone,” he noted.

He said future management would involve people and machines, eventually becoming machine-focused.

Arabi urged participants to generate ideas to protect Nigeria’s human capital.

He assured that outcomes from the workshop would be implemented to strengthen service delivery.

Gombe State Head of Service, Kasimu Abdullahi, said the state had progressed significantly since adopting reforms.

He said Gov. Inuwa Yahaya’s commitment to reform had yielded visible improvements for the people.

Abdullahi said the state would continue to align with national reform trends to improve lives.

On his part, Mr Abubakar Hassan, the DG, BPSR, Gombe State commended the BPSR under the Presidency for championing a more effective, efficient and ctizen-centred public service and the Bureau’s unwavering commitment to the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu-led administration and the sustainable development of Nigeria.

Hassan said investing in reforms was not a luxury; “it is an urgent necessity for national progress, economic growth and the restoration of public trust.”

He urged participants to see themselves as the architect of Nigeria’s future, describing them as agents of change.

He further urged them to translate the insights gained from the workshop into actionable plans within their respective domains.

“Let the recommendations from this workshop not end up as another report on a shelf; let them be the blueprint for the new Nigeria public service; a service that is agile, merit-based and we are all proud to serve,” he said.

The workshop theme is ‘Strengthening Public Sector Performance through Reforms in Nigeria.’

The total number of civil servants being trained is 110.

FG trains public servants on AI to boost service delivery

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