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ECOWAS Court Orders Côte d’Ivoire to Pay CFA50 million for Violation of Citizens Rights

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ECOWAS Court Orders Côte d’Ivoire to Pay CFA50 million for Violation of Citizens Rights

By: Michael Mike

The ECOWAS Court of justice on 30th of November, 2023, declared the State of Côte d’Ivoire liable for violation of rights of Adou Kouamé and nine other Ivorians, and ordered the Ivorian government to pay 50 million CFA Francs to each of them as compensation.

In its judgement delivered by Hon Justice Ricardo Claúdio Monteiro Gonçalves, Judge Rapporteur, the Court declared that the Respondent – State of Côte d’Ivoire violated the right to healthy environment and health, right to private and family life, right to adequate standard of living and food, right to freedom of religion and right of minorities to have their own culture.

However, the Court dismissed the Applicants – Adou Kouame and Others’ claim that their right to property was violated, for lack of sufficient evidence of ownership. The Court also declared the second, thirteenth and fourteenth Applicants in the suit as improper parties before the Court, stating that they did not present evidence showing their relationship with the parents they claimed to be representing respectively. The Applicants request for collective compensation was dismissed by the Court too.

In the case with suit number ECW/CCJ/APP/08/21, the Applicants – Adou Kouame, village head of Similimi and 14 other residents, claimed that the State of Côte d’Ivoire’s failure to protect them from the negative effects of the mining activities in their community violated their right to healthy and sustainable environment, and health, right to religious and cultural freedom, right to private and family life, right to adequate standard of living and food, and right to property guaranteed under international laws cited in the application.

The Applicants’ lead counsels, Mr Rashidi Ibitowa, Ms Geneviève Aïssata Diallo and Mr Jonathan Kaufman argued that the Ivorian government did not “take measures to give effect to human rights protected by international law,” adding that the mining operations have had adverse effects on plantations, forests, rivers and places of worship causing them health hazards from polluted water, polluted air, explosions, noise pollution and ground tremors. And that their ancestral places of worship were destroyed by the mining activities including altars for sacrifices and they are of the opinion their ancestors are angry with them because their prayers and invocations were no longer answered.

They also asked the Court to hold the State liable for failure to validate the impact assessment results of 2010 that would have resettled them, adding that the Ministry of Mining and Geology renewed the mining licence of the company in 2018 despite the fact that the environmental damage persisted, and the company had not fulfilled its obligations.

They demanded 12 billion CFA francs as compensation for the estimated 600 residents of Similimi, and another 3 billion CFA francs for the Applicants for the prejudice suffered, and an order for their resettlement, among other reliefs.

The Respondent – State of Côte d’Ivoire said that following the exploitation of the mines, and the residents’ demand for compensation from the mining company as well as complaint of adverse effect on water and human health, the Minister of Environment engaged its agencies – Ivorian Anti-Pollution Centre (CIAPOL) and the National Environment Agency (ANDE) and that their reports led to the suspension of the activities of the mining company by an Order of 11 November 2015.

However, the company was allowed to resume activities in 2016 while implementing corrective measures, adding that periodic meetings between all parties continued until 2020 and that a general meeting was also held in 2021.

The Respondent asked the Court to declare the case inadmissible arguing that the matter was within the jurisdiction of national courts and that the claims of the Applicants were ill-founded and should be dismissed.

In the judgment, the Court which held that the matter was within its jurisdiction, also asked the State of Côte d’Ivoire to ensure the residents of Similimi community located in Bondoukou district in Côte d’Ivoire were resettled in compliance with relevant laws, ensure a healthy environment is restored rapidly, end the ongoing environmental degradation, and hold the perpetrators responsible for the environmental degradation.

The State of Côte d’Ivoire was ordered to bear the cost of litigation, and submit to the Court within three months, measures taken to implement this judgment.

Also on the bench were Justices Edward Amoako Asante (presiding) and Dupe Atoki (Member).

ECOWAS Court Orders Côte d’Ivoire to Pay CFA50 million for Violation of Citizens Rights

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How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria

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How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria

By: Zagazola Makama

Recent United States visa restrictions and mass deportation measures affecting Nigerian nationals have reopened debate on how sustained propaganda, misinformation and alarmist narratives about insecurity in Nigeria shaped international perceptions and policy responses against the country.

While Nigeria continues to face real security challenges including terrorism by ISWAP, Boko Haram, AlQaeda, banditry, farmer–herder clashes and transnational jihadist infiltration, the framing of these conflicts as an organised, state-backed “Christian genocide” has increasingly been questioned by Nigerians.

Yet, for several years, a powerful campaign driven largely by Nigerian activists, politicians and diaspora-based pressure groups portrayed Nigeria as the world’s epicentre of religious extermination, with claims that were grossly exaggerated, unverifiable or outright false.

The agitations grew domestic grievance to international propaganda. Between 2021 and 2024, a wave of advocacy emerged accusing the Nigerian state of deliberately sponsoring or protecting jihadists allegedly engaged in the daily slaughter of Christians. Some campaigners claimed that 1,500 Christians were being killed every day, a figure that would translate to more than 540,000 deaths annually, a number exceeding fatalities recorded in most active war zones globally.

One widely circulated narrative claimed that between 2010 and October 2025, 185,000 people were killed on account of their faith, including 125,000 Christians and 60,000 Muslims, allegedly based on reports from Intersociety, one of the NGO created to push the false claims.” The same narrative alleged that 19,100 churches had been burned and 1,100 Christian communities completely seized and occupied by jihadists supposedly backed or shielded by the Nigerian government.

However, independent verification of these figures consistently failed. No global conflict-monitoring organization, including ACLED, UN agencies, or major international human rights bodies as well as official bodies like Police, DSS, and the NHRC, corroborated such numbers. Nigeria’s total population stands at approximately 240 million, making such casualty claims statistically implausible without triggering global humanitarian emergency responses on the scale of Gaza, Syria or Ukraine.

Zagazola Makama report that while religiously motivated attacks occur, Nigeria’s violence landscape is far more complex, driven by criminal banditry, resource conflict, insurgency, arms proliferation, climate stress and weak border control, affecting Muslims, Christians, Pagan, traditionalist and adherents of other faiths alike.

Despite the lack of empirical grounding, these activities keep weaponizing faith to internationalise pressure. The genocide narrative gained traction in U.S. political circles, evangelical advocacy groups and sections of Western media. Some Nigerian politicians amplified these claims at international forums, urging sanctions, arms embargoes and even military intervention against their own country.

The expectation among agitators was that Trump’s administration would deploy American forces or impose targeted sanctions against Nigerian officials and groups like Miyetti Allah, Boko Haram, Bandit and those that once push for Shariah laws. Instead, the policy response took a different and far more consequential direction. Rather than physical military intervention, Washington opted for strategic intervention with the armed forces of Nigeria through technical support while in their country they opted for tougher penalties like border control, immigration enforcement and visa restrictions, citing insecurity, terrorist activity, document integrity issues and vetting challenges.

Nigeria was subsequently placed under partial U.S. travel restrictions, with the U.S. government explicitly referencing the activities of Boko Haram and ISWAP, and difficulties in screening travellers from affected regions.

The unintended security backlash
Ironically, following persistent framing of Nigeria’s violence as a religious war produced outcomes opposite to what campaigners claimed to seek. Rather than protecting Christians, the rhetoric emboldened extremist groups to carry even more deadlier attacks.

Terrorist organisations, including ISWAP, JAS and al-Qaeda-linked JNIM elements now infiltrating North-Central Nigeria, capitalised on global narratives portraying Nigeria as a battlefield of faith. By attacking churches, clergy and Christian communities, these groups sought to validate the propaganda, provoke sectarian retaliation and trigger a broader religious conflict. This strategy mirrors jihadist doctrine across the Sahel: manufacture sectarian violence, polarise society, delegitimise the state and attract recruits.

Security intelligence from Kwara and Niger States, for instance, shows JNIM’s Katiba Macina exploiting communal tensions along the Benin–Nigeria corridor, recruiting Fulani youths while framing attacks as resistance against “tyranny” language deliberately aimed at feeding international narratives of persecution.

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security has since justified its tougher posture using data-driven assessments: visa overstay rates, terrorism risks, weak civil documentation systems and law-enforcement information gaps.
For Nigeria, these translated into: Partial visa suspensions for B, F, M and J categories, increased scrutiny of Nigerian travellers, inclusion in broader immigration enforcement actions, Indirect reputational damage affecting trade, education and diplomacy

Meanwhile, The Department Homeland Security announced record deportations and self-removals, over 2.5 million exits since January 2025, a development that disproportionately affects nationals of countries portrayed as high-risk, Nigeria included. Crucially, those most affected are ordinary Nigerians students, professionals, families and entrepreneurs, not terrorists, bandit leaders or militia commanders.

The Fulani bandit in the forest has no interest in a U.S. visa. It is the Nigerian student, pastor, doctor and trader who bears the cost.

Notably, as sanctions and restrictions took effect, the loud genocide rhetoric largely faded from public discourse. The activists who once dominated international media cycles have grown quieter, perhaps confronted by the reality that the consequences fell on Nigeria as a whole, not on imagined perpetrators. This pattern point to a broader lesson in strategic communication: when a nation’s internal crises are exaggerated into existential falsehoods, external actors respond not with rescue but with containment.

A cautionary lesson for national discourse is that; Nigeria’s security challenges are real and demand sustained reform, diplomatic support, and international cooperation. But weaponising religion, spreading unverifiable casualty figures and lobbying for foreign punitive action against one’s own country undermines national security rather than strengthening it. More dangerously, it feeds extremist propaganda, deepens communal mistrust and invites external decisions based on distorted perceptions.

When internal challenges are projected internationally without context or factual balance, foreign governments respond not with solidarity but with restrictions, sanctions and containment. In this environment, propaganda even when framed as advocacy, erodes diplomatic goodwill and inflicts long-term harm on citizens whose lives and opportunities are shaped by external policy decisions.

False alarms and absolutist narratives fracture social trust, embolden extremists and inflame the very fault lines terrorists seek to exploit. Ultimately, propaganda however emotionally persuasive does not protect communities; it weakens national resilience and leaves society more vulnerable to the forces it hopes to defeat.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad region

How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria

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Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway

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Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway

By: Zagazola Makama

Suspected kidnappers disguised in military uniforms have killed a serving soldier and abducted 13 passengers during coordinated attacks on two commercial vehicles along the Okene–Auchi Federal Highway.

Zagazola Makama report that the incident occurred at about 5:35 p.m. on Dec. 16 when unknown gunmen intercepted a green Toyota Sienna, conveying nine passengers from Abuja to Delta State.

The source said six passengers were abducted from the vehicle, while three others were rescued.

According to the source, the attackers also stopped a white Toyota Hiace bus, conveying 11 passengers from Delta State to Abuja, during the same operation.

“Seven passengers were abducted from the Hiace bus, while four were rescued,” the source said.

Tragically, the source said a serving Non-Commissioned Officer of the Nigerian Army, who was among the passengers and had identified himself as a soldier, was shot by the attackers.

“He sustained gunshot injuries to his legs and thighs and was later confirmed dead,” the source added.

Both vehicles were recovered and towed to a police station for safe keeping, while five empty shells of 7.62mm ammunition suspected to be from an AK-47 rifle were recovered at the scene as exhibits.

The corpse of the deceased soldier was deposited at the Okengwe General Hospital mortuary for autopsy, while statements were obtained from the rescued victims to aid investigation.

It was gathered that troops have launched joint rescue operations, including bush combing and intensive surveillance along the highway, with a view to rescuing the abducted passengers and arresting the perpetrators.

The authorities assured motorists that measures were being intensified to secure the Okene–Auchi corridor and prevent further attacks.

Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway

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Bandits kill one, abduct several in Zamfara

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Bandits kill one, abduct several in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

Armed bandits have killed a young man and abducted several others during an attack on a store area in Bungudu Local Government Area of Zamfara State.

Zagazola report that the incident occurred at about 12:30 a.m. on Dec. 16 when gunmen, carrying AK-47 rifles and other sophisticated weapons, launched a sporadic shooting spree in Karakkai district.

The source said one Lukman Rabe, aged 21, was shot dead during the attack, while an unspecified number of people were abducted and taken to an unknown location.

Army troops in collaboration with joint Police, and local hunters, were immediately mobilised to the scene to secure the area.

Sources said that efforts are ongoing to rescue the abducted victims and apprehend the fleeing suspects, while residents have been urged to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activity to security agencie
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