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EFCC Advised to Follow Due Process in Its Case Against Yahaya Bello
EFCC Advised to Follow Due Process in Its Case Against Yahaya Bello
By: Michael Mike
Amidst the legal fireworks on the warrant of arrest on former Kogi state governor, Yahaya Bello, and the restraining order issued by the Kogi State High Court, a coalition of anti-corruption groups led by the Anti-Corruption and Research-Based Data Initiative (ARDI) have called on the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to follow due process in the prosecution of the former governor.
Bello is under investigation over alleged embezzlement of N80.2 billion.
On Tuesday, a judge of the Federal High Court, Justice Emeka Nwite, ordered the EFCC to serve the money laundering charges against the former governor through his lawyer, Abdulwahab Mohammed.
Nwite, relying on section 382(4) and (5) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), also ordered Mr Mohammed, having announced an unconditional appearance for the former governor, to accept service on behalf of the defendant.
Addressing a press conference on Tuesday in Abuja, the publicity director of the Anti-corruption and Research-based Initiative (ARDI), Mr Nwabueze Anyanwu, who led a coalition of CSOs, said the groups had, over the last few weeks, followed with keen interest the current impasse between the EFCC and Bello, which culminated in the raid on his private residence in Abuja.
He said the Coalition’s “concern hinges on the need for both parties to work within the ambit of the Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to avoid subjecting the War on Corruption in this country to further odium in the eyes of right-thinking people, as well as do our bit to avert the ongoing and needless overheating of our polity.”
The coalition claimed that the anti-graft agency has not extended to Bello the customary investigation to visit her offices for the purposes of assisting her in any investigations
It stressed that it could not also find evidence anywhere, no matter how remote, where the Commission has asserted that she did extend such an invitation to him.
Ozugbi said the coalition knows that the Commission would usually send an invitation letter, and often several reminders, to a respondent in any petition before even seeking warrants of arrest, and certainly long before taking drastic actions like the raid it conducted last Thursday.
He added: “The attempt by officers of the EFCC to arrest Alhaji Yahaya Bello is in flagrant disregard of a subsisting court order that comprehensively bars her from doing so based on a determination that their actions in the entire circumstances of the case amount to actual and threatened breach of all of his fundamental human rights
“The EFCC is currently at the Appeal Court to challenge that subsisting order of the High Court of Kogi State and the Appellate Court has insisted that parties should maintain the status quo pending determination of the appeal. We are convinced that the EFCC has breached both the principles of the sanctity of court orders and the pendency of suits by her subsequent actions.
“This informs our conclusion that the EFCC’s raid on Yahaya Bello’s Residence at No. 9 Benghazi Street, Zone 4, Wuse, Abuja, on Wednesday, April 17, 2024, is in disobedience of subsisting orders of courts and practice procedure, making it both regrettable and an aberration under the Rule of Law.”
It further recalled that EFCC, under the leadership of Abdul Rasheed Bawa, had previously accused Bello of hiding the sum of $20 billion as bail-out money due to Kogi State in a Sterling Bank account and for his own aggrandisement and personal enrichment
It said that from 2022, when it first became breaking news at the instance of the EFCC, till today, the agency could not substantiate that particular allegation against Bello in any court of law with the same energy with which it tried and found him guilty of it in the media.
“The sundry allegations of embezzlement of a whopping sum of N80.2bn by EFCC against Alhaji Yahaya Bello is poorly presented and appear to be politically motivated
“The EFCC, under the leadership of Abdul Rasheed Bawa (former Chairman of the Commission), had previously accused Alhaji Yahaya Bello of hiding a whooping sum of N20billion being bail-out money due to Kogi State in a Sterling Bank account, and for his own aggrandisement and personal enrichment
“From 2022, when it first became breaking news at the instance of the EFCC, till today, the agency could not substantiate that particular allegation against Alhaji Yahaya Bello in any court of law with the same energy with which it tried and found him guilty of it in the media. As it is, those allegations seem to have evaporated with the exit of Bawa as chairman, while new allegations have surfaced under the newest leadership.
“The EFCC originally alleged that the N80.2bn embezzlement occurred in September 2015, except that will put the alleged offence several months before Alhaji Yahaya Bello assumed office for the first time as Kogi State Governor, having not been an official or servant of the Kogi State Government in any capacity prior to then.
“Perhaps, confronted with the incongruity of that accusation, the Commission later amended the date to February 2016, that is, just 3 weeks after he assumed office, and by which time the records show that his administration was yet to collect its first federal allocation. The Anti-Corruption Coalition will really appreciate deeper insight from the Anti-Corruption agency on the mechanics of these charges.
“The inconsistencies in the allegations by the EFCC against Alhaji Yahaya Bello clearly show that the allegations lack substance. Moreover, the EFCC has continued a sensational media trial of Alhaji Yahaya Bello with media releases in a staccato fashion that call to question how they serve the interests of justice in the matter.”
EFCC Advised to Follow Due Process in Its Case Against Yahaya Bello
News
What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel
What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel
By: Zagazola Makama
Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.
For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.
At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.
The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.
Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.
Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.
For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.
The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.
There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.
What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel
News
Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny
Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny
By: Zagazola Makama
A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.
Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.
The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.
Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.
Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.
There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.
However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.
While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.
“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.
The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.
Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.
As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.
Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny
News
Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness
Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness
A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.
The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.
The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”
Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”
When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.
The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.
Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.
“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.
The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.
When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.
The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.
He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.
When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.
The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.
“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”
“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.
“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.
“No my lord,” the witness responded.
“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”
“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.
“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”
The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.
“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.
“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.
“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”
“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”
When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”
When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “
“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.
“Yes, we did,” he responded.
After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.
“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.
But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .
“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.
Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.
Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness
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