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Former Senate President, Ahmed Lawan Told to Bury 2027 Yobe Gubernatorial Ambition
Former Senate President, Ahmed Lawan Told to Bury 2027 Yobe Gubernatorial Ambition
By: Michael Mike
The immediate past Senate President, Dr. Ahmed Lawan has been told to bury any ambition of becoming the governor of Yobe State in 2027.
A group of youth under the auspices of Vanguard for Better Governance in Yobe State 2027 said it is not the turn of Lawan’s senatorial district to present the next governor of the state.
The group in the statement said: “Against the backdrop of the call by phantom groups such as ‘The Coalition of Yobe East Progressive Youths’ led by one Dr Yarma Goni, begging the Senator of Yobe East Senatorial District and immediate past Senate President, published in many news platforms locally and internationally for Senator (Dr) Ahmed Lawan to heed the call of duty and offer himself as a candidate for Yobe Governor in 2027.
“We, the Yobe in the youth of Yobe State see this as a mischievous attempt of the Dr Yarima Goni’s political jobbers to sell a kite that would never fly in our dear state, Yobe.”
They added that: “While one may not be too sure of the news report, it believed to be a clandestine and surreptitious move at the instance of the distinguished Senator Lawan; but the senator does not need a soothsayer nor an Imam to enlighten him that the Governorship of Yobe in 2027 is a Yobe South affair.
“Yobe Zone B, having lost the only governor from the zone in 2009, the late distinguished Senator Mamman Ali, could not complete Governor Mamman Ali’s first term owing to his untimely death. Two governors from other zones have ruled Yobe State, leaving Zone B in a somewhat perpetual waiting game!
“The very mention of Yobe East person as the Governor of Yobe State in 2027 smacks brazen injustice, and lopsidedness as evidenced in the various federal employment slots allegedly coveted with the use of fake degrees, diplomas and certificates from degree mills traced to Benin Republic, Togo, Ghana and other fictitious places to fix Yobe East people at top places and positions at the federal level.
“The same goes for federal projects “cornered from above” to the zone via the instrumentality of top politicians from the zone in Abuja. A case in point is the painful approval of a Federal University of Medical Sciences for the Gashua zone or Yobe East and a federal conventional university already operating in the area.
“The jaundiced socio-political distribution of federal and state projects in Yobe State has seen the trio of state university in Damaturu, two federal universities at Gashua Area, Airport in Damaturu and other key projects, yet nothing for Yobe Zone B reputed for having a large enlightened population and historical relevance.
“Politicians who have served the federal legislature for more than two decades are hardly rewarded with the governorship of their states; as a few of them have done daylight robbery of political mandates of their kith and kin even when they never contested party primaries for a failed quest for white elephant national pole office of Mr President of Nigeria with an evidential failure.
“The planned strangulation of the Governorship of Yobe in 2027 from Yobe Zone B would sow deep seeds of state discord if allowed. For God’s sake, Yobe East’s top politicians should look elsewhere and allow Yobe Zone B to breathe. Yobe East should rather hibernate from the self-inflicted wounds of rivalling President Bola Tinubu when northern governors had endorsed a southern candidate for the 2023 presidential elections.”
The group further said: “The quest for Yobe East Governorship of Yobe State would be akin to the same strategy of their kith and kith who sought to succeed former President Muhammadu Buhari after a northern presidency of eight years with another strange eight years of northern presidency meant for southern Nigeria. If it had happened; Nigeria would have been torn into shreds of Banana Republics.
“The coalition of Yobe East politicians appears as recent students of Nigerian history. Posterity has recorded in its annals that some of their kith and kin at key federal tiers of government misled the immediate past President Buhari into a regime of uncommon loan burden, ill-fated currency change regime prosecuted in grand corruption; in addition to the sleaze of the century in the oil and gas industry at the behest and heavy cooperation resulting in the current travails of Nigerians and the current government.
“We are forced, therefore, to assume the affliction of dementia or hallucination on the part of the ‘Coalition of Yobe East Progressive Youths’ to dream Yobe Governorship in 2027 for their zone and clan’s man as this amounts to standing common sense on its very head which shall not stand!”
Former Senate President, Ahmed Lawan Told to Bury 2027 Yobe Gubernatorial Ambition
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Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?
Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?
By Oumarou Sanou
The recent reaction by the Russian Embassy in Abuja to opinion articles published in various media, even though it singled out THISDAY and The Sun, raises a question that should concern every African and especially Nigerians who value democracy: when confronted with uncomfortable facts and legitimate scrutiny, does Russia engage with evidence, or does it attack the messenger?
Rather than addressing the substance of the arguments raised about insecurity in the Sahel and the conduct of Russian-linked mercenaries, the Embassy chose a familiar authoritarian playbook: dismiss the writers as “paid,” question their legitimacy, and attempt to intimidate independent media platforms for publishing alternative views. This response says far more about Russia’s discomfort with free media than it does about the articles themselves.
Let us be clear. The articles in question were not an attack on Russia as a nation or its people. They were a critical examination of documented events in Mali and the wider Sahel—events reported not only by African journalists but also by international organisations, people, conflict monitors, and, ironically, by the mercenaries themselves on their own digital channels. To conflate scrutiny of actions with hostility toward a state is a tactic often used by regimes that fear accountability.
If Russia believes the facts are wrong, the burden is simple: present counter-evidence. Journalism is not theology; it is not immune to correction. Any responsible journalist, academic or analyst will acknowledge an error when credible proof is provided. What is unacceptable is to replace evidence with insults, or to imply that African media, researchers and intellectuals must seek approval before publishing views that do not flatter foreign powers.
The Embassy’s statement also raises an uncomfortable implication: is Russia now openly assuming ownership or responsibility for mercenary operations in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger? If not, why rush to defend them so aggressively? Mercenaries—by definition—are not instruments of sustainable security anywhere in Africa. From Sierra Leone in the 1990s to Libya and now the Sahel, the record is consistent: they deepen violence, weaken national forces, and leave societies more fractured than they found them.
The Embassy insists that reports of abuses are “fake news.” Yet many of the most disturbing confirmations of violence have come from the fighters themselves, shared on verified Telegram channels long before journalists or rights groups referenced them. Are those messages also Western fabrications? Or are we now expected to believe that mercenaries boasting online suddenly become victims of misinformation when their actions attract scrutiny?
More troubling is the attempt to recast legitimate African criticism as foreign manipulation. This is intellectually dishonest. Africans do not need Western scripts to recognise insecurity, repression, or failure when they see it. The worsening security situation in the Sahel is not a theory; it is a lived reality measured in displaced communities, expanding extremist influence, and shrinking civic space. These outcomes deserve examination, not denial.
Nigeria, in particular, must resist any attempt to import external geopolitical quarrels into its public space. This country is sovereign. The media, I must attest, is independent. Nigeria and independent African media: journalists, academics, researchers, and other activists do not exist to please Moscow today or London tomorrow. Their duty is to inform the Nigerian public—especially when developments in neighbouring countries pose security implications. What happens in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso does not stay confined to those countries. Arms flows, extremist movements, and displacement cross borders. Silence would be irresponsible.
Equally important is the question of civic space. In countries now governed by military juntas aligned with Moscow, opposition voices are muted, journalists are harassed, and civil society operates under threat. It secretly disseminates some of these articles that irk Moscow. Independent debate is treated as subversion. It is therefore ironic—if not revealing—that Russian officials appear unsettled that Nigerian media still allows dissenting views to be published. That is not a flaw of our democracy; it is its strength.
The Embassy argues that Russia offers partnerships “without lectures on democracy.” That line may sound appealing to embattled regimes, but Africans should ask a harder question: does rejecting democratic “lectures” also mean rejecting accountability, transparency, and citizens’ rights? History shows that security built on repression is fragile, and sovereignty traded for silence is hollow.
This episode should serve as a reminder of why press freedom matters. Today, it is Russia taking offence. Tomorrow, it could be any other power—Western or otherwise—unhappy with scrutiny. If we allow foreign embassies to police opinion columns in Nigerian newspapers, we will have surrendered something far more valuable than diplomatic goodwill.
Let me be unequivocal: Nigeria, from my experience, welcomes partnerships, not patronage. They welcome dialogue, not intimidation. They welcome facts, not propaganda. The media will continue to ensure that journalists and analysts ask hard questions—about Russia, the West, and our own leaders in the Sahel and across Africa. That is what free societies do.
If Russia has evidence that contradicts the documented realities in the Sahel, it should present it openly, calmly, and transparently. If not, it should respect the intelligence of Africans and the independence of African media.
The real issue here is not wounded pride. It is fear of scrutiny. And history teaches us that those who fear free media usually have something to hide.
Nigeria and Africa must not look away. A free press is not a Western import; it is a democratic necessity. Anyone uncomfortable with that truth is free to respond—but not to silence it.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?
News
KACRAN Commends NEDC for Critical Water Projects, Strategic Leadership in North East Nigeria
KACRAN Commends NEDC for Critical Water Projects, Strategic Leadership in North East Nigeria
By: Michael Mike
The Kulen Allah Cattle Rearers Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) formally commends the North East Development Commission (NEDC) for its responsiveness and commitment to improving the welfare of pastoralists across the region.
The KACRAN National President, Hon. Khalil Moh’d Bello, in a statement on Thursday said: “We express our profound gratitude to the NEDC for the installation of solar-powered boreholes in Dangel Lantaiwa Ward (Tarmuwa LGA, Yobe State) and Siddikiyo Jauro Gambo Ribadu Ward (Funakaye LGA, Gombe State). These projects provide a vital lifeline to thousands of pastoralists and their livestock, addressing the critical challenge of water scarcity in these Pastoralists concentration centers.
“KACRAN acknowledges that the NEDC stands out as a model of responsive governance. The Commission has demonstrated a genuine determination to alleviate suffering and enhance social services beyond standard expectations.”
Bello noted that: “Recently, KACRAN advocated for more inclusion of livestock development in the NEDC’s 2026 policies to ensure pastoralists benefit equitably alongside other residents of the region.
“We are pleased to note the Commission’s positive reaction to this appeal. This willingness to listen to complaints and adjust programs reflects the sterling leadership qualities of the current management.
“We applaud the consistency of the NEDC in prioritizing projects that foster peace and unity.
“The synergy between the NEDC, North East Governors, Local Government Chairmen, security agencies, and traditional rulers has been instrumental in stabilizing the region.
“The North East is no longer defined by devastation, but by its rapid reconstruction and rehabilitation.”
Bello added that: “As direct beneficiaries of these people-oriented policies, KACRAN passionately appeals to His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to ensure the timely release of adequate funds to the NEDC. This support is essential for the Commission to sustain its impactful work under the Renewed Hope Agenda.
“Furthermore, we call upon the newly established development commissions in the North West and North Central regions to emulate the NEDC’s inclusive approach to foster development and peace across Nigeria.”
KACRAN also expressed its full confidence in the leadership of NEDC Managing Director, Alhaji Mohammed Alkali, and the Director of Administration and Finance, Dr. Garba Iliya., noting that: “Their administration has proven to the Presidency and the Nigerian people that they are capable, reliable partners in the quest for permanent peace and sustainable development in the North East.”
KACRAN Commends NEDC for Critical Water Projects, Strategic Leadership in North East Nigeria
News
Troops rescue abducted Biu Councillor, religious cleric in Borno as hunt continues for five others
Troops rescue abducted Biu Councillor, religious cleric in Borno as hunt continues for five others
By: Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army under Operation Hadin Kai have rescued two civilians abducted by terrorists along the Buni Gari–Buratai road in Borno, following a swift search-and-rescue operation.
Sources told Zagazola Makama that the rescue was carried out by troops of 27 Task Force Brigade in conjunction with 135 Special Forces Battalion and members of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF).

The sources said the operation was launched at about 7:35 a.m. on Wednesday after the kidnapping of seven civilians at about 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday along the Buni Gari–Buratai axis.
“Consequently, at about 11:35 a.m. on Wednesday, troops discovered two of the kidnapped victims who were abandoned by the terrorists upon hearing the movement of troops towards their location ahead of Mangari village,” the source said.
The rescued victims were identified as Alhaji Mohammed Ali Maiakachi, a serving councillor representing Zera/Wuyep Ward in Biu Local Government Area, and Mallam Aliyu Yusuf, an Islamic scholar and Chairman of Shuaaraul Islam, Borno State.
The troops, according to the source, immediately secured the release of the victims and pursued the fleeing terrorists for about 5.4 kilometres, but no contact was made.

The rescued victims reportedly informed troops that five other civilians were still being held captive, including the past and current Vice Chairmen of Biu Local Government Area, as well as three women.
“The effort to rescue the remaining five civilians is ongoing,” the source added.

The victims were initially taken to medical reception station for medical attention before being moved to Biu, where they were reunited with their families.
Troops rescue abducted Biu Councillor, religious cleric in Borno as hunt continues for five others
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