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FUEL SUBSIDY AND PRICE CONTROL- SOLUTION TO ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IN NIGERIA

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FUEL SUBSIDY AND PRICE CONTROL- SOLUTION TO ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IN NIGERIA

By: Victor Emejuiwe

No sane government should watch its citizens suffer untold hardship and live in poverty. The primary responsibility of government is to protect the life’s and to secure the welfare of the people. President Ahmed Bola Tinubu spontaneously announced the removal of fuel subsidy on the day of its inauguration without considering the attendant consequences of such a decision. In fairness to the removal, the amount of money claimed to be payment of subsidy in Nigeria was quite humongous from N300 billion during the Good Luck Jonathan administration in 2012, to N2.7 trillion in 2022. However, beyond the doubt as to the authenticity of the real value paid on subsidy, the secrecy and corruption associated with the entire subsidy regime was very un-palatable. It was as a result of this, that many Nigerians canvassed for the removal of subsidy. Nevertheless, there are some other school of thought who believes that the government was not sincere on its own part due to the lack of transparency and accountability in petrol consumption and subsidy payment. Also, even where several reports indicting subsidy saboteurs were released, the federal government did nothing to investigate and prosecute those who were accused of corruptly enriching themselves from the subsidy payments. Therefore, the payment of subsidy on its own was not the problem but the willingness of government to come clean with its transaction on subsidy payment and muster the political will to pervert corruption amongst the stakeholders was the major problem. The view on re-introduction of subsidy becomes necessary given the fact that payment of subsidy is a common global practice by governments all over the world. It is taken to ameliorate hardship faced by majority of citizens in the purchase of very expensive commodities. In this case, Nigeria being a mono-economy driven by sales of crude oil, has made the price of every other commodities reflective in the rise or fall in the price of crude oil. The subsidy regime cushioned a lot of hardship amongst Nigerian in the past and with its removal today, Nigerians have not been able to recover from the effect, as we can witness the continuous increase in the prices of all commodities in Nigeria. Most workers do not report to work on a daily basis, some business closed shops and the general standard of living has reduced. Couple with this fact, is government inactiveness in controlling the hike in the prices of locally produced commodities. The lack of a price stabilization and mechanization control which was hitherto implemented in the 70’s have made it possible for middle men to determine the prices of commodities in the market. The practice of the middle men is to acquire these goods from the dealers and hoard them so as to create scarcity and speculate a market price before they sell, with wide profit margin. If government enforce the price control Act as ordered recently by the federal high court on goods and commodities that are locally produced in Nigeria, the hoarders and speculators would run out of business and food items and other commodities would be available at the normal rate. The lack of a price control mechanism is what led to the failure of most government policies on agriculture. It is so unfortunate that the past government of President Muhammed Buhari, made efforts to encourage local production of food commodities such as rice and even provided subsidies to farmers to embark on local rice production, but instead of having the price of rice reduced, it rather led to more than 200 percent increase in the price of rice. Rice which was sold for N9600 before the ban on imported rice, skyrocket to N19,800, at a point, it rose to N36,000 and the government could not do anything to stop the hike. Under this present administration, a bag of rice sells for N77,000. It is an anomaly for government to provide incentives to local producers of commodities and at the same time, do not have control of the market price.
In light of the above, in the interim, the Federal Government should re-introduce subsidy on petrol and diesel under a more transparent regime and deal with saboteurs who divert the products to other countries and in the long run, the Federal government should get our refineries working at optimum capacity so that any attempt to remove subsidy on petrol and diesel will not have much impact on the price on petrol. Also, a list of commodities and items produced locally should be established and the market price should be determined under a price control, stabilization and mechanization regime. The government should enforce the laws and policy on price control. Finally, for resource mobilization, the government should stop oil theft so that more resources can be generated from crude oil and this would help us pay for the subsidy on petrol and also pay for the functionality of our refineries.

*Victor Emejuiwe
Monitoring and Evaluation/Strategic Communication Manager
Centre for Social Justice.
Abuja
08068262366

FUEL SUBSIDY AND PRICE CONTROL- SOLUTION TO ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IN NIGERIA

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Troops recover suspected stolen motorcycle in Plateau

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Troops recover suspected stolen motorcycle in Plateau

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of Sector 6, Operation Enduring Peace have recovered a suspected stolen motorcycle following a pursuit of suspected motorcycle snatchers in Riyom Local Government Area of Plateau.

Security sources disclosed that the incident occurred at about 6:30 p.m. on May 21 along the Bachi-Banghai road after troops received reports on the activities of suspected motorcycle snatchers in the area.

The sources said the troops immediately mobilised and pursued the suspects, who abandoned the motorcycle and fled upon sighting the security personnel.

According to the sources, the recovered motorcycle has been secured, while efforts were ongoing to identify the rightful owner and apprehend the fleeing suspects.

The military said the operation formed part of sustained efforts to combat criminal activities and enhance security across Plateau.

Troops recover suspected stolen motorcycle in Plateau

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Troops launch rescue operation after abduction in Plateau

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Troops launch rescue operation after abduction in Plateau

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of Sector 1, Operation Enduring Peace have launched a rescue operation following the abduction of a resident in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau.

Security sources disclosed that the incident occurred at about 11:00 p.m. on May 21 when gunmen reportedly abducted Mr Eze Emeka from his residence at Agingi village.

The sources said troops swiftly responded to the distress report and commenced rescue operations in collaboration with other security agencies.

According to the sources, efforts were ongoing to track down the kidnappers and secure the safe release of the victim.

The military assured residents that security forces were intensifying operations to curb criminal activities in the area.

Troops launch rescue operation after abduction in Plateau

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JNIM attack in Tillaberi signals deepening jihadist rivalry and expanding Sahel instability

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JNIM attack in Tillaberi signals deepening jihadist rivalry and expanding Sahel instability

By: Zagazola Makama

The reported deadly attack on a Nigerien Army engineering unit near Garbougna in the Tillaberi Region marks a significant escalation in the evolving security dynamics of western Niger and the wider Sahel.

With an estimated 67 soldiers and civilians reportedly killed and a military camp destroyed, the incident underscores both the intensity and increasing sophistication of militant operations in the region.

Beyond the immediate casualties, the attack is notable for its attribution to Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), which swiftly claimed responsibility. Tillaberi have long been considered a stronghold of Islamic State in the Sahel (IS Sahel), suggesting a possible shift in operational influence or encroachment into contested territory.

The incident reflects an emerging pattern of geographic diffusion of jihadist violence across the Tera–Niamey corridor, an axis that has repeatedly come under pressure from armed groups. The corridor connects several vulnerable departments, including Tera, Torodi, Say and Ayorou, all of which have experienced repeated attacks in recent years.

The Garbougna attack also fits into a broader sequence of high-casualty operations across Niger since early 2026, including reported strikes near Niamey airport in January and Makalondi in February. These incidents collectively indicate sustained pressure on Nigerien security forces and an expanding operational reach of armed groups closer to strategic population centres.

Of particular concern is the apparent intensification of competition between IS Sahel and JNIM. While both groups have historically operated in overlapping zones, recent claims of responsibility and counter-claims suggest a more overt struggle for influence, recruitment, and territorial control. The reported clash between the two factions near Petel Kole earlier in the year further supports this assessment.

The implications of this rivalry are significant. Rather than reducing violence through competition, the fragmentation of jihadist groups in the Sahel has in some cases resulted in increased attacks, as factions seek to demonstrate operational strength and legitimacy.

At the same time, the weakening of state presence in rural and border communities is compounding the crisis. Reports of closed schools, non-functional health facilities, and inactive markets point to a gradual erosion of governance structures in affected areas. This vacuum continues to facilitate militant mobility and recruitment.

Another critical dimension is the increasing use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs), which has reportedly hindered post-attack clearance operations in the Garbougna area. Such tactics not only slow military response but also expand the risk zone for civilians and security forces alike.

Strategically, Tillaberi remains the epicentre of Niger’s insecurity challenges, given its proximity to the Mali and Burkina Faso border regions. The corridor’s proximity to Niamey raises additional concerns, particularly regarding potential spillover effects into the capital’s security perimeter.

The Garbougna attack, therefore, illustrates a convergence of three destabilising trends: escalating casualty levels, intensified jihadist competition, and shrinking state control in border regions. Taken together, these dynamics suggest a deteriorating security outlook for western Niger, with implications that extend beyond national boundaries into the wider Sahel security architecture.

JNIM attack in Tillaberi signals deepening jihadist rivalry and expanding Sahel instability

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