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FUEL SUBSIDY AND PRICE CONTROL- SOLUTION TO ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IN NIGERIA

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FUEL SUBSIDY AND PRICE CONTROL- SOLUTION TO ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IN NIGERIA

By: Victor Emejuiwe

No sane government should watch its citizens suffer untold hardship and live in poverty. The primary responsibility of government is to protect the life’s and to secure the welfare of the people. President Ahmed Bola Tinubu spontaneously announced the removal of fuel subsidy on the day of its inauguration without considering the attendant consequences of such a decision. In fairness to the removal, the amount of money claimed to be payment of subsidy in Nigeria was quite humongous from N300 billion during the Good Luck Jonathan administration in 2012, to N2.7 trillion in 2022. However, beyond the doubt as to the authenticity of the real value paid on subsidy, the secrecy and corruption associated with the entire subsidy regime was very un-palatable. It was as a result of this, that many Nigerians canvassed for the removal of subsidy. Nevertheless, there are some other school of thought who believes that the government was not sincere on its own part due to the lack of transparency and accountability in petrol consumption and subsidy payment. Also, even where several reports indicting subsidy saboteurs were released, the federal government did nothing to investigate and prosecute those who were accused of corruptly enriching themselves from the subsidy payments. Therefore, the payment of subsidy on its own was not the problem but the willingness of government to come clean with its transaction on subsidy payment and muster the political will to pervert corruption amongst the stakeholders was the major problem. The view on re-introduction of subsidy becomes necessary given the fact that payment of subsidy is a common global practice by governments all over the world. It is taken to ameliorate hardship faced by majority of citizens in the purchase of very expensive commodities. In this case, Nigeria being a mono-economy driven by sales of crude oil, has made the price of every other commodities reflective in the rise or fall in the price of crude oil. The subsidy regime cushioned a lot of hardship amongst Nigerian in the past and with its removal today, Nigerians have not been able to recover from the effect, as we can witness the continuous increase in the prices of all commodities in Nigeria. Most workers do not report to work on a daily basis, some business closed shops and the general standard of living has reduced. Couple with this fact, is government inactiveness in controlling the hike in the prices of locally produced commodities. The lack of a price stabilization and mechanization control which was hitherto implemented in the 70’s have made it possible for middle men to determine the prices of commodities in the market. The practice of the middle men is to acquire these goods from the dealers and hoard them so as to create scarcity and speculate a market price before they sell, with wide profit margin. If government enforce the price control Act as ordered recently by the federal high court on goods and commodities that are locally produced in Nigeria, the hoarders and speculators would run out of business and food items and other commodities would be available at the normal rate. The lack of a price control mechanism is what led to the failure of most government policies on agriculture. It is so unfortunate that the past government of President Muhammed Buhari, made efforts to encourage local production of food commodities such as rice and even provided subsidies to farmers to embark on local rice production, but instead of having the price of rice reduced, it rather led to more than 200 percent increase in the price of rice. Rice which was sold for N9600 before the ban on imported rice, skyrocket to N19,800, at a point, it rose to N36,000 and the government could not do anything to stop the hike. Under this present administration, a bag of rice sells for N77,000. It is an anomaly for government to provide incentives to local producers of commodities and at the same time, do not have control of the market price.
In light of the above, in the interim, the Federal Government should re-introduce subsidy on petrol and diesel under a more transparent regime and deal with saboteurs who divert the products to other countries and in the long run, the Federal government should get our refineries working at optimum capacity so that any attempt to remove subsidy on petrol and diesel will not have much impact on the price on petrol. Also, a list of commodities and items produced locally should be established and the market price should be determined under a price control, stabilization and mechanization regime. The government should enforce the laws and policy on price control. Finally, for resource mobilization, the government should stop oil theft so that more resources can be generated from crude oil and this would help us pay for the subsidy on petrol and also pay for the functionality of our refineries.

*Victor Emejuiwe
Monitoring and Evaluation/Strategic Communication Manager
Centre for Social Justice.
Abuja
08068262366

FUEL SUBSIDY AND PRICE CONTROL- SOLUTION TO ECONOMIC HARDSHIP IN NIGERIA

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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