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Hungry People to Reach 49.5 million in Nigeria, Other West and Central African Countries in August 2024-WFP

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Hungry People to Reach 49.5 million in Nigeria, Other West and Central African Countries in August 2024-WFP

By: Michael Mike

Hungry people in West and Central Africa including Nigeria may reach a staggering 49.5 million people between June and August 2024, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has raised the alarm.

The WFP in a statement on Tuesday said: Despite considerable efforts by governments and partners, food insecurity continues to worsen in West and Central Africa with the number of hungry people set to reach a staggering 49.5 million people between June and August 2024 – a four percent increase compared to 2023, according to a regional food security analysis which was released same day.

The statement read that: “The trend is particularly worrying in coastal countries, where the number of women, men, and children facing acute hunger (IPC/CH phases 3 or higher) is expected to reach 6.2 million during the June-August 2024 hunger gap – a 16 percent increase on last year. The November 2023 Cadre Harmonisé analysis projects cereal and tuber production throughout the region to be slightly above both last year’s levels and the 5-year average due to improved rains in 2023.”

According to the statement: Acute hunger in West and Central Africa is mainly driven by conflict – which has forcibly displaced millions of people from their homes and farms, the impact of the climate crisis, and high food and fuel prices. The prices of main foods remain well above the five-year average, particularly rice, corn, millet, sorghum, cassava and vegetable oil, despite seasonal declines in the prices of local commodities compared to last year.

The statement quoted WFP’s Acting Regional Director for Western Africa, Margot Vandervelden to have said:
“Acute hunger remains at record levels in the region, yet funding needed to respond is not keeping a pace; this is forcing WFP to scale back lifesaving assistance for those most affected in their hour of greatest need”, adding that: “Insufficient funding means the moderately hungry will be forced to skip meals and consume less nutritious food, putting them at risk of falling back into crisis or emergency phases, perpetuating the cycle of hunger and malnutrition. We need to break this circle by tackling the root causes of hunger and by building the resilience of families in West Africa.”

The statement added that the nutritional situation remains worrying, particularly in the Sahel, where emergency levels of child wasting were reached and surpassed in several countries this year, notably in parts of Mali, north-west Nigeria and Burkina Faso, it added that this was due to fragile food systems which do not deliver the specific nutritional needs of women and children; limited access to basic social services; and poor care and hygiene practices.

It noted that more than 2 out of 3 households in West and Central Africa cannot afford healthy diets. And 8 out of 10 children aged 6-23 months do not consume the minimum number of food groups they need for optimal growth and development. In the year up to the end of October 2023, 1.9 million children under five years were admitted for treatment of severe wasting across nine Sahel countries, representing a 20 percent increase as compared to the same period in 2022.

The UNICEF Regional Director for West and Central Africa, Felicité Tchibindat said: “Children in West and Central Africa have a right to nutritious, safe, affordable and sustainable diets,” “We invest to prevent child malnutrition happening in the first place, but we also need funding to keep supporting government services for the early detection, treatment, and care of malnourished children to help them survive, recover, and go on to live healthy and productive lives with dignity.”

The statement stated that the cost of a daily nutritious diet in central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger) is 110 percent higher than the daily minimum wage in the region, and more and more households rely on local markets to provide their food, even in rural areas, according to the 2023 Food security and Nutrition report. For comparison, the cost of healthy diet in Africa is as high as in the USA, despite the latter GDP being more than 35 times that in the Africa region.

To address the spiralling food insecurity and malnutrition, FAO, UNICEF and WFP called on national government and financial partners to prioritize programmes that strengthen climate resilient food systems and livelihoods and invest in social protection systems, and improve natural resource management, including water, as an accelerator of resilience and development.

Participants in the Cadre Harmonisé food security analysis also recommended timely development and implementation of emergency programmes that address immediate food and nutritional needs of populations experiencing crisis and emergency levels of food insecurity and malnutrition (IPC/CH phases 3 to 5). This will not only save lives, but also prevent the risk of malnutrition among children in areas most affected by insecurity and economic crises including in Burkina Faso, Chad, DRC, Mali, Nigeria and Niger.

“With the persistence of food and nutritional insecurity, we must act urgently to save millions of lives by advocating for the acceleration of resource mobilization to finance national response plans and facilitate access to areas facing insecurity or difficult to access, particularly in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Nigeria”, said FAO Sub-Regional Coordinator for West Africa and the Sahel, Dr. Robert Guei.

The Cadre Harmonisé analysis also showed an estimated 94 million people in West and Central Africa under food security “Stress” (IPC/CH phase 2) between October and December 2023. Left without support, these communities are at risk of shifting to “crisis” and “emergency” (IPC/CH phases 3 and 4) levels of hunger tomorrow.

Hungry People to Reach 49.5 million in Nigeria, Other West and Central African Countries in August 2024-WFP

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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