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Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?
Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?
By Oumarou Sanou
The recent reaction by the Russian Embassy in Abuja to opinion articles published in various media, even though it singled out THISDAY and The Sun, raises a question that should concern every African and especially Nigerians who value democracy: when confronted with uncomfortable facts and legitimate scrutiny, does Russia engage with evidence, or does it attack the messenger?
Rather than addressing the substance of the arguments raised about insecurity in the Sahel and the conduct of Russian-linked mercenaries, the Embassy chose a familiar authoritarian playbook: dismiss the writers as “paid,” question their legitimacy, and attempt to intimidate independent media platforms for publishing alternative views. This response says far more about Russia’s discomfort with free media than it does about the articles themselves.
Let us be clear. The articles in question were not an attack on Russia as a nation or its people. They were a critical examination of documented events in Mali and the wider Sahel—events reported not only by African journalists but also by international organisations, people, conflict monitors, and, ironically, by the mercenaries themselves on their own digital channels. To conflate scrutiny of actions with hostility toward a state is a tactic often used by regimes that fear accountability.
If Russia believes the facts are wrong, the burden is simple: present counter-evidence. Journalism is not theology; it is not immune to correction. Any responsible journalist, academic or analyst will acknowledge an error when credible proof is provided. What is unacceptable is to replace evidence with insults, or to imply that African media, researchers and intellectuals must seek approval before publishing views that do not flatter foreign powers.
The Embassy’s statement also raises an uncomfortable implication: is Russia now openly assuming ownership or responsibility for mercenary operations in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger? If not, why rush to defend them so aggressively? Mercenaries—by definition—are not instruments of sustainable security anywhere in Africa. From Sierra Leone in the 1990s to Libya and now the Sahel, the record is consistent: they deepen violence, weaken national forces, and leave societies more fractured than they found them.
The Embassy insists that reports of abuses are “fake news.” Yet many of the most disturbing confirmations of violence have come from the fighters themselves, shared on verified Telegram channels long before journalists or rights groups referenced them. Are those messages also Western fabrications? Or are we now expected to believe that mercenaries boasting online suddenly become victims of misinformation when their actions attract scrutiny?
More troubling is the attempt to recast legitimate African criticism as foreign manipulation. This is intellectually dishonest. Africans do not need Western scripts to recognise insecurity, repression, or failure when they see it. The worsening security situation in the Sahel is not a theory; it is a lived reality measured in displaced communities, expanding extremist influence, and shrinking civic space. These outcomes deserve examination, not denial.
Nigeria, in particular, must resist any attempt to import external geopolitical quarrels into its public space. This country is sovereign. The media, I must attest, is independent. Nigeria and independent African media: journalists, academics, researchers, and other activists do not exist to please Moscow today or London tomorrow. Their duty is to inform the Nigerian public—especially when developments in neighbouring countries pose security implications. What happens in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso does not stay confined to those countries. Arms flows, extremist movements, and displacement cross borders. Silence would be irresponsible.
Equally important is the question of civic space. In countries now governed by military juntas aligned with Moscow, opposition voices are muted, journalists are harassed, and civil society operates under threat. It secretly disseminates some of these articles that irk Moscow. Independent debate is treated as subversion. It is therefore ironic—if not revealing—that Russian officials appear unsettled that Nigerian media still allows dissenting views to be published. That is not a flaw of our democracy; it is its strength.
The Embassy argues that Russia offers partnerships “without lectures on democracy.” That line may sound appealing to embattled regimes, but Africans should ask a harder question: does rejecting democratic “lectures” also mean rejecting accountability, transparency, and citizens’ rights? History shows that security built on repression is fragile, and sovereignty traded for silence is hollow.
This episode should serve as a reminder of why press freedom matters. Today, it is Russia taking offence. Tomorrow, it could be any other power—Western or otherwise—unhappy with scrutiny. If we allow foreign embassies to police opinion columns in Nigerian newspapers, we will have surrendered something far more valuable than diplomatic goodwill.
Let me be unequivocal: Nigeria, from my experience, welcomes partnerships, not patronage. They welcome dialogue, not intimidation. They welcome facts, not propaganda. The media will continue to ensure that journalists and analysts ask hard questions—about Russia, the West, and our own leaders in the Sahel and across Africa. That is what free societies do.
If Russia has evidence that contradicts the documented realities in the Sahel, it should present it openly, calmly, and transparently. If not, it should respect the intelligence of Africans and the independence of African media.
The real issue here is not wounded pride. It is fear of scrutiny. And history teaches us that those who fear free media usually have something to hide.
Nigeria and Africa must not look away. A free press is not a Western import; it is a democratic necessity. Anyone uncomfortable with that truth is free to respond—but not to silence it.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?
News
What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel
What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel
By: Zagazola Makama
Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.
For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.
At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.
The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.
Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.
Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.
For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.
The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.
There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.
What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel
News
Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny
Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny
By: Zagazola Makama
A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.
Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.
The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.
Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.
Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.
There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.
However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.
While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.
“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.
The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.
Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.
As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.
Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny
News
Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness
Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness
A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.
The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.
The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”
Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”
When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.
The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.
Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.
“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.
The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.
When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.
The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.
He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.
When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.
The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.
“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”
“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.
“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.
“No my lord,” the witness responded.
“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”
“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.
“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”
The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.
“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.
“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.
“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”
“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”
When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”
When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “
“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.
“Yes, we did,” he responded.
After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.
“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.
But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .
“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.
Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.
Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness
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