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ISWAP Founder’s Son Surrenders In Maiduguri

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ISWAP Founder’s Son Surrenders In Maiduguri

By: Zagazola Makama

The Eldest son of Mamman Nur, founder of the Islamic State of the West African Province (ISWAP), Mahmud Mamman Nur Albarnawy, has surrendered to the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps in Maiduguri.

Mahmud, 22, surrendered on Sunday, May 12.

Intelligence sources told Zagazola Makama, Lake Chad Basin counterterrorism and insurgency expert, that Mahmud Mamman Nur Albarnawy was confirmed to be the senior son of the late ISWAP founder after undergoing profiling at the Command Headquarters of NSCDC in Maiduguri.

The sources said that men of the command had facilitated his surrender through his uncle in Gamborun Ngala after receiving the information that he was willing to formally surrender to the Nigerian government.

A reliable agent was sent to convey him to Maiduguri. They arrived in Maiduguri on May 11, at about 1 pm.

Mahmud was later debriefed and profiled by an intelligence officer of the command where he confessed to having sneaked out of the Ali Ngulde camp in Mandara Mountain, Gwoza LGA, into Maiduguri and stayed for about a month at Gwange in the city capital before relocating to Gamboru Ngala without any alarm or distress signs from communities.

During his stay in Gamboru Ngala, some of his late father’s loyalists were persuading him to return to the Lake Chad general area to pay allegiance to ISWAP but he refused, citing the betrayal and eventual execution of his late father.

He confessed to having taken part in attacks in Bama, Banki, Gwoza and several other places as a middle rank fighter under the Boko Haram group.

Mahmud was handed over to Bulunkutu rehabilitation facility for further documentation and custody.

Who Is Mamman Nur?

In 2013, top commanders of the late Muhammad Yusuf, founder of the Boko Haram group, including Mamman Nur, Khalid Albarnawi, Abubakar Shekau, Kaka Ali, Mustapha Chad, Abu Maryam and Abu Krimima, were compelled to move out of Maiduguri, following intensified campaign against then by the Joint Security Forces in Maiduguri.

After a while, they regrouped in Sambisa forest and continued their campaign of violence through coordinated attacks on towns and villages.They institutionalized the group to become a terror organization.

In March 2015, Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the ISIS Caliphate of Abubakar Al-Baghdadi. ISIS accepted the pledge of allegiance and named Abubakar Shekau as the first Wali of the Islamic State of the West African Province(ISWAP).

Shekau was later removed by ISIS following a petition against his leadership by Mamman Nur and Abu Mussab Albarawi, who were the members of the Shura Consultative Council.

Shekau was accused of ideological extremism, extra judicial killings, injustice, poor leadership skills and, above all, killing women and children.

The internal crises led to the separation of the Jamā’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihād, Boko Haram group and the Islamic State of the West African Province (ISWAP), who moved to the Lake Chad region of Marte and Abadam to establish their caliphate with Mamman Nur as its New Spiritual Leader.

On 21 August 2018, Mamman Nur was eliminated in a mutiny led by Abou Mossab Albarnawyy in company of some ISWAP fighters. Nur was killed for releasing the Government Girls Secondary School Dapchi girls, without demanding ransom from the Nigerian government.

The elimination of Mamman Nur, saw the emergence of Abou-Mossab Albarnawyy as ISWAP spiritual leader.

ISWAP Founder’s Son Surrenders In Maiduguri

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VP Shettima Attends High-Level Meeting On Africa’s Health Security Sovereignty

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VP Shettima Attends High-Level Meeting On Africa’s Health Security Sovereignty

By: Our Reporter

Shortly after his bilateral discussions with United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, Vice President Kashim Shettima moved on to a high-level meeting on Building Africa’s Health Security Sovereignty on the sidelines of the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The session, organized by Africa CDC and fully supported by the Nigerian government, convenes African leaders and health policymakers to chart the path toward strengthening the continent’s health emergency preparedness, response systems, and pharmaceutical independence.

Joining the Vice President at the meeting are key Nigerian officials including the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Muhammad Ali Pate, and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Amb. Yussuf Tuggar.

Other African health ministers in attendance include Dr. Ibrahim Sy of Senegal, Madalisto Baloyi of Malawi, and Dr. Mekdes Daba of Ethiopia.

VP Shettima Attends High-Level Meeting On Africa’s Health Security Sovereignty

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ISWAP suspected in Baga abduction of five civilians

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ISWAP suspected in Baga abduction of five civilians

By: Zagazola Makama

Five civilians were abducted on Feb. 12, 2026, by suspected Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists in Doro Baga, Kukawa Local Government Area, Borno State, the Police Command reported.

Sources disclosed that the victims, Alhaji Sani Boyi, Bullama Dan Umaru, Baba Inusa, Abubakar Jan Boris, and Mallam Shaibu, were taken while purchasing fresh fish at a local market around 7:00 a.m.

The troops of Sector 3 Operation HADIN KAI, Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF)/hunters immediately responded to the incident.

Relevant intelligence has been gathered, and search and rescue operations are ongoing to secure the release of the victims.

ISWAP suspected in Baga abduction of five civilians

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Is Russia Immune to Media Scrutiny in Africa?

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Is Russia Immune to Media Scrutiny in Africa?

•Press freedom, sovereignty and Africa’s refusal to be silence

By Oumarou Sanou

A dangerous precedent is emerging across Africa’s diplomatic and media landscape: the public targeting of individual journalists by foreign missions for simply asking difficult questions. The recent pattern of responses from the Russian Embassy in Nigeria toward African journalists and media platforms raises deeper concerns, not only about geopolitics but also about press freedom, sovereignty, and the dignity of African voices.

Bullying a single African journalist through official diplomatic channels is not merely a disagreement; it is an intolerable affront to free expression. Journalism exists to question power, whether domestic or foreign. When embassies shift from presenting facts to publicly discrediting individuals, the implication is clear: criticism will be punished personally rather than debated professionally. Today it is one journalist; tomorrow it could be an entire media ecosystem.

In recent months, respected outlets, including Premium Times, THISDAY, The Guardian Nigeria, and Leadership Newspaper, have faced unusually harsh diplomatic rebukes after publishing critical analyses. Prominent commentators such as Azu Ishiekwene and Richard Akinnola, as well as Oumarou Sanou, have also been singled out. Instead of counter-evidence, the response has often been personal accusations and insinuations of hidden sponsors. That approach undermines constructive dialogue and erodes trust in diplomatic engagement.

Let us be clear: journalists are human and can make mistakes. Professional reporting welcomes correction. If the facts are incorrect, present evidence, make the data open, and allow readers to judge. Insults, calumny and attempts to destroy professional reputations are not rebuttals; they are attempts to silence scrutiny. No foreign government should expect immunity from questioning on African soil.

Africa’s position in the evolving global order must remain principled and independent. Africans are not invested in the confrontation between Russia and the West; it is not our war. A genuine Pan-African perspective demands equal scrutiny of all external powers. If tomorrow credible evidence emerges that Britain, France, America, China or any other actor is recruiting Africans into foreign conflicts under deceptive pretence, the same criticism must apply. The principle is simple: African lives are not expendable tools in geopolitical struggles.

Reports of African nationals—including Nigerians—fighting and dying thousands of miles away in foreign wars raise serious ethical and security questions. Whether through informal networks, deceptive job offers, or shadow recruitment channels, African citizens are being drawn into conflicts that do not belong to them. Journalists who expose these risks are not attacking any nation; they are protecting their fellow Africans from exploitation and preventable tragedy.

Kenya’s recent stance offers a compelling example. Kenyan authorities publicly condemned the recruitment of their citizens into foreign conflicts and moved to close illegal agencies while seeking diplomatic explanations. That response signals a broader African awakening: governments must prioritise the safety and dignity of their citizens over the sensitivities of powerful partners. Nigeria and other African states would do well to adopt similar vigilance.

Beyond individual cases lies a deeper philosophical question. Neocolonialism today is not defined by flags or territorial control but by influence, dependency and narrative domination. Great powers—East or West—sometimes behave as though African voices must align with their geopolitical agendas. This assumption is unacceptable. Africans have their own interests, challenges and aspirations. We are not puppets in anyone’s strategic theatre.

Respect in diplomacy must be reciprocal. If a foreign embassy publicly attacked a journalist by name inside Moscow, Paris or Washington, would it be considered acceptable conduct? Sovereignty demands mutual respect, not selective outrage. African countries deserve the same diplomatic courtesy that global powers expect at home.

At the same time, African journalism must remain grounded in professionalism and evidence. Responsible reporting strengthens credibility and protects the integrity of public discourse. But professionalism cannot thrive in an atmosphere of intimidation. When journalists are targeted individually, the chilling effect extends far beyond the targeted individual; it discourages others from investigating sensitive issues of public concern.

The response from Africa’s media community must therefore be collective. Silence in the face of intimidation risks normalising it. Journalists, editors and civil society organisations should stand together to defend the right to ask difficult questions without fear of diplomatic retaliation. Protecting a single journalist ultimately concerns protecting the profession and safeguarding the democratic space.

Africa’s future in a multipolar world will depend on its ability to engage all partners while remaining fiercely independent. That independence begins with intellectual sovereignty: the freedom to question everyone and align with no external agenda. Whether criticism targets Russia, Western nations or any other power, the standard must remain consistent: facts over propaganda, dialogue over intimidation, and mutual respect over coercion.

No nation is above scrutiny. No African journalist should be silenced for doing the work that democracy demands.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Is Russia Immune to Media Scrutiny in Africa?

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