News
Marwa: 15 drug kingpins out of 3,412 offenders convicted in 2023 bagged 168 years in jail
Marwa: 15 drug kingpins out of 3,412 offenders convicted in 2023 bagged 168 years in jail
Rewards 104 personnel, 13 Commands for outstanding performances
By: Michael Mike
Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa (Retd) has said that a total of 15 drug kingpins out of 3,412 offenders that were successfully prosecuted and convicted in 2023 bagged 168 years of imprisonment collectively.
Marwa disclosed this in Abuja on Wednesday while addressing commanders, officers and men of the agency during an awards and commendations ceremony.
A total of 104 personnel and 13 commands were recognized and rewarded for their outstanding performances in the 2nd half of 2023
Marwa said: “Indeed, our performance as individuals and as a collective could always be better; nonetheless, we must appreciate every effort made to help sustain the momentum of our upward trajectory since January 2021, when we launched the renewed fight against illicit substance trafficking.”
Ho noted that: “According to our statistics, we recorded 13, 664 arrests leading to the seizure of 1, 606, 799.09 kilogrammes of assorted illicit drugs and 3,412 convictions with a total of 5, 570 offenders charged to court in 2023. It’s indeed a year that at least 15 drug kingpins bagged 168 years of imprisonment collectively. That is a substantial improvement over our performance in 2022. Notably, in 2023, we also ramped up our enforcement action against cannabis farms and carried out at least seven successful major operations, leading to the discovery and destruction of over 206 hectares of cannabis plantations.”
The NDLEA boss also explained that to create awareness about the dangers of substance abuse aimed at prevention and encourage those already in it to seek treatment, the Agency intensified its war against drug abuse (WADA) advocacy initiative nationwide.
“The frequency and intensity of our advocacy throughout the year improved considerably. Zonal and state commands have been very dedicated to propagating WADA advocacy. As a result, a total of 2,725 sensitisation lectures and programmes were held in schools, worship centres, work places and communities among others. A breakdown of the WADA lectures held in 2023 shows: 807 in Primary/Secondary Schools; 146 in Tertiary Institutions; 488 for out of school children; 264 in worship centres; 140 in military/paramilitary organisations; 90 in other work places, among others. Just as well, our commands and formations have coped with the increased workload of counselling activities leading to the counselling and rehabilitation of 10, 904 drug users.”
He said those who have been in the agency longer than 2021 can attest to the fact that the past three years have brought different dynamics to the operations and performance of the agency, a development that has attracted commendations from home and abroad.
He added that: “This is further reinforced by the content of a letter two weeks ago from the National Assembly conveying the decision of the national parliament to ‘commend the efforts of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) in the fight against illicit drug consumption and trafficking.’
He said this recognition by both Chambers of the National Assembly should serve as a further morale booster and “a reminder that your efforts are not going unnoticed.”
“I must also say that the NDLEA management has no misgivings about instituting the Commands Awards and Commendations. This twice-a-year event, though a reward system, serves as an inward-looking glass for critical self-analysis and therefore a mechanism that puts the agency on its toes. Each time we gather here to honour exemplary officers and commands, we are making a loud statement that we value meritocracy and that hard work is a virtue we hold in high esteem. We are trying to normalise good performance”, he added.
He however assured that he will not relent in his effort to improve the welfare of the NDLEA workforce, stating that: “All the issues we are working on will soon come to fruition in a matter of time. For instance, we fought hard to have an amended NDLEA Act last year. Today, the bill is at the 10th National Assembly receiving due attention, and we are optimistic that there will be a light at the end of the tunnel. I am also pleased to inform you that our barracks projects have recorded progress. Before the middle of the year, some of our barracks will be ready for commissioning.
These few examples of the efforts going on behind the scenes are evidence that we are working in your best interest.”
Marwa warned that the agency will be firm on disciplinary issues. “We don’t take infractions lightly. Every officer of NDLEA is expected to work within the ambit of our core values and strictly adhere to our standard operating procedure. We expect our officers to be the epitome of service, selflessness and sacrifice.”
He expressed appreciation to individuals and institutions that have contributed to the success of the agency. He said: “As an institution, we thank the European Union and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, UNODC, for being helpful partners on this journey. We appreciate the support of our other international partners from the US, UK, France, Germany, and India among others.
“We also appreciate sister agencies and security organisations, including the Nigerian Army, Navy, Air Force, Customs, Immigration, Police, DSS, NSCDC, NAFDAC, NYSC and FRSC, for the synergy that makes our job easy. Our profound gratitude also goes to the Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics, the House of Representatives Committee on Narcotic Drugs, and the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. Importantly, we thank His Excellency President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his encouragement and immense support to NDLEA.”
Marwa: 15 drug kingpins out of 3,412 offenders convicted in 2023 bagged 168 years in jail
News
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
By: Zagazola Makama
Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.
The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.
According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”
No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.
The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.
Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.
Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.
The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.
Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
News
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
By: Zagazola Makama
The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.
What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.
For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.
The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.
While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.
Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.
Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.
In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.
Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.
Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.
However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.
Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.
For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.
The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.
By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.
The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.
Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.
One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.
Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.
The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.
Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.
That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.
The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.
What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.
The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.
Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
News
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
By Comrade Philip Ikodor
KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.
In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.
“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:
Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.
Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.
The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
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