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Nigeria: Between The Media and The DSS

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Nigeria: Between The Media and The DSS

Nigeria: Between The Media and The DSS

By: James Bwala

Last week, the Nigerian Union of Journalists in the Federal capital cautioned the Department of State Security, DSS over its continuous dappling into areas of conflict alien to its jurisdiction. This was following the invitation of the NUJ Officials to the Department over a case said to have been reported to the DSS by some faceless individuals.  

A statement by the NUJ FCT Chairman, Mr. Emmanuel Ogbeche reads: “We are not unaware of efforts by some faceless individuals masquerading as members of the union, to cause disaffection in the NUJ FCT Council. It is a shame that the DSS will yield itself to such obnoxious tactics. If the Service was focused on national security, it will not dabble into matters that it should have done due diligence on.

“To begin to ask NUJ FCT Council officials to validate what are outright falsehoods and subject them to psychological and physical trauma is unfortunate and regrettable.

“If the Service were that diligent, it should have known that the Chairman of Council, Emmanuel Ogbeche, graduated from the University of Calabar, and did his National Youth Service in Lafia, Nasarawa state. Besides, the possession of the same is not necessarily a prerequisite in running for office in the NUJ when there are other qualifications in that regard.

“Also, it is a wonder that the DSS has now taken on the functions of anti-corruption agencies over a lease that was sanctioned by the Congress of the Union.

“The idea of trying to cow the Union and its officials from performing their constitutional roles of holding government and its officials accountable as well as weakening citizens’ rights to hold and air their opinions, is undemocratic and an infringement on constitutionally guaranteed rights,” 

I observed recently the growing distance being created between the DSS and the Media. I thought the best complimented organization in terms of exchange of information for the DSS should be the Media and the best friend to watch the back of the Media should be the DSS. Perhaps this is my opinion. However, one thing I know is that the DSS is an organization sustained on information and the Media a body of organized data collectors and information dissemination.

The Media plays a key role in the success of not only organization but society and a nation. But why would an organization like the DSS try to become unfriendly to the media? I have heard from a lot of colleagues recently expressing bitterness with the men in black especially at the place of assignment. This is becoming a trend and the government of Nigeria particularly had to come in before things began to fall apart.

It is rather very dangerous for a nation to have a media that is silent from within and loud outside its borders. The society from time immemorial depends on the media in the building and development of a better and stronger nation. Where the media is absent, the nation has failed because a nation without information is but totally blind. So the media plays a great role in Nations building however anyone may think otherwise.

The issues of harassment or trying to cow media practitioners especially in Nigeria is not new. But this trend is taking a dangerous position. It was just like a case of the drunken man who would in his drunkenness feel the wife at home is nothing but a trash he can be manhandled at any given time while in that state where he feels she is weak, and weaker vessels can be tossed around anyhow.

But when he awakes out of the spirit that holds his thought processes at the time he feels on top of the situation and realizes that the woman he has been punching left, that is when he becomes sober and begins to need help in order to have her back. Such maybe the story between the Nigerian security Operatives and the Media on a general scale, however while the other security agencies are coming to terms with the importance of the media in their operations, the DSS is feeling or assuming a self-reliant in its operations forgetting the facts that one wrong move would put the whole organization at the mercy of the media.

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Mr. Emmanuel Ogbeche, the Chairman of the FCT Nigerian Union Journalists might have put the words through. And I expected and hoped the Department of State Security Services; DSS has taken note of those lines in the Press Statement by the NUJ in Dec. 7, 2021. Recently, I had had a discussion with a Police Officer, who complained that the DSS has taken the Police work such as what the NUJ in its statement is trying to draw the attention of the Department State Security to in respect of some civil cases, which may not have been part of the working documents of the department of state security. It may not be only the police that have or are nursing such grudges and that is why the department must make every effort to build relationships because no tree makes a forest as they say it does.

Harassment of media officials or trying to cow journalists is a worse case that can happen to a nation. Journalists have both social responsibility and national interest at heart when discharging their responsibilities. However, this trend now taking the space of collaborative working relationships may be a virus that both the Media and the DSS would have to look at to make adjustments and accord each other the respect deserved.

Intimidating to cow the Media is not an achievement rather it is a shame and degrading to the department of state security. There are many places and occasions where these have taken place. They stop journalists from exposing activities of government officials and political office holders, which are the constitutional rights of the media in holding public officials to account with reference to public trust

The question I asked is that has the DSS turned into a witch-hunting dog or tools for aiding misdoings and for covering wrongdoers holding public office? I asked this question because as a Journalist, in 2007, we were invited to the DSS office in Maiduguri to explain why we wrote stories about sharing of Ramadan rice and Sugar to certain individuals who the government had claimed to have shared such items to but the individuals denying put the government running from pillar to pole. They however decided the Department of State Security, DSS to withdraw our stories and apologies over facts that we have written. But the truth stood tall no matter the intimidation.

Secondly, we were again invited in 2010 to defend a report we published about a lawyer’s son, who was alleged to have taken part in attacking a family under the guise of Boko Haram at the height of the insurgency in Maiduguri. The Lawyer, who reported to the DSS unfortunately, did not clean his tracks. We went and we came out clean given the DSS more information to work with. The end was almost an embarrassment to the Department of State Security.

Recently, I learnt of a case in Yobe state where a permanent secretary allegedly reported a journalist to the department of state security over a report the said journalist was investigating and preparing to send for publication. It was learnt that he was cowed into dropping the story, which has to do with some misdeed in the ministry. These are few cases to mention as many media practitioners have their own stories and references.

But when did the DSS leave so many documents needing attention on national security as captured by Ogbeche to attend to issues of social accidents or to become tools in the hands of public office holders and politicians? The Department of State Security is the last service I thought still holds some integrity and public respect. I prayed they would not by any chance. 

The DSS still needs the public’s trust. The organization needs to concentrate on weightier matters of national security and stop being used in matters outside its purview. I believe they needed the media most to achieve those trust. The media is the closest to the public and the public in the context we lived in understands the media better. There is this synergy and trust that is strong between the media and the public.

The Media remains part of the society where the public finds it easy to trust and confide in to give needed information that continuously grease the wheel of security operations in this country. The Media remains the data collectors and no project is complete with data. For the DSS to gather informed literature for their daily working and arriving at every intelligent decision that keeps the oil of their performance they also need the media to sustain peace and unity of the nation. 

Nigeria: Between The Media and The DSS

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AND WE WILL WIN!

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AND WE WILL WIN!

By: Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez

Fidel Castro Ruz, historic leader and Commander in Chief of the Cuban Revolution, celebrates his 99th birthday today, in the prime of his life.

I write this in the present tense because that’s how I feel and because that’s how the celebration is unfolding for the beginning of a symbolic year for Cuba and for all those around the world who recognize the significance of his revolutionary leadership.

I’m speaking of the centennial or the eternity of a man who remains alive in time, even when the physical, the material, turned to ashes almost a decade ago and he left it clear that he didn’t want statues or monuments in his memory.

What not even he could decree was the impossible, that is, his oblivion. And there he remains, alive and present as only the eternal is. Because that destiny, as history has proven so many times, is not decided by anyone, only by the enduring power of the ideas of those who have guided hundreds, thousands, millions of human beings to achieve their dreams of emancipation and justice.

Fidel is eternal, not by his own choice or by those of us who try to follow in his footsteps and continue his immense work of social justice. He achieved that status by interpreting, synthesizing, and making his own the magnificent accumulation of Cuban, Latin American, Caribbean, and universal pro-independence, anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, and Marxist ideals that preceded him, placing himself at the forefront for all time.

In his intense public speeches or in his long private conversations, he displayed a total command of that infinite wealth of knowledge, dazzling the most diverse audiences from the first word to the last. But what has truly immortalized him is everything he said that he transformed, every action turned into work.

In these markedly Fidel-inspired days, when each of us displays, in books, videos, traditional media, or social media, the Fidel who accompanies us, we are taking credit for that eternity, to our own heartfelt emotion and that of others who feel the same. Or to the hateful denial of those who cannot bear the dazzling vitality of his ideas.

In my case, as you might imagine, Fidel is not just present. He is a constant: a guide and a challenge. An example and a source of sleeplessness.

I feel he remains at the forefront, as in the Sierra or at Girón. Every time threats grow, when necessity compels, when the blockade seems to close all exits, the question arises spontaneously: What would Fidel do?

The good fortune of having known him, of having seen him act, and of having received his guidance many times, makes the answers easier: they are in the people, in their infinite reserves of dignity and talent. And in the indispensable unity of all revolutionary forces around Martí’s ideal of achieving all justice.

He was supported by those certainties that we understand science and innovation as a pillar of government management. And with the talent, the solid material foundation he created, and the audacity of the country’s men and women of science and thought, which he shaped for the future that is now present, we faced and defeated the pandemic and continue to strive to overcome even seemingly insurmountable obstacles like the blockade and our internal inefficiencies.

In Fidel’s history, from his student years to his undeniable presence today, there is an infinite number of lessons, and they all coincide on one point: he never allowed himself to be defeated by circumstances. Even the greatest blows from his adversary only served to elevate his stature as a leader to a higher level.

Examining each of his battles, one can see the deep motivations that this leader, born from his very core, always awakened in this courageous people, turning setbacks into victory. Then we understand the full meaning of the farewell Che Guevara dedicated exclusively to him before leaving for other lands of the world, which the Cuban people made an irrevocable goal: Until victory, always. Never forgetting the Homeland or Death that makes it possible. Nor the optimism in a word: We will win!

Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez
Cuban President, wrote this article on the 99th Posthumous Birthday of Former Cuban President Fidel Castro.

AND WE WILL WIN!

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VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

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VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

By: Dr. James Bwala

Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplified exceptional leadership stewardship in managing the burial process of former President Muhammadu Buhari. Before the burial, Shettima played a pivotal role in expediting the repatriation of Buhari’s remains from the United Kingdom by waiving the standard five-day protocol, enabling their return within 24 hours. This swift action reflected his diplomatic acumen and coordination with international bodies, including the Nigerian High Commission in London. 

During the funeral proceedings, Shettima led a high-profile delegation alongside President Bola Tinubu to Daura, Katsina State, where they conducted a solemn and respectful ceremony. The inclusion of military honors and adherence to Islamic burial rites underscored his commitment to honoring Buhari’s legacy with dignity and reverence. 

After the burial, Vice President Shettima continued to embody stewardship by ensuring that Buhari’s final wishes for a modest ceremony were fulfilled. His leadership throughout the entire process not only facilitated national unity but also demonstrated respect for cultural and personal values associated with state funerals. 

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s execution of assignments as directed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exemplifies a rare form of loyalty that underscores the essence of servant leadership. His unwavering commitment to the president’s vision and collective national welfare highlights his prioritization of service over personal ambition, a hallmark trait of true servant leaders. By maintaining unity within the administration and acting as both mentor and strategist, Shettima demonstrates responsibility and dedication that transcend conventional political roles. This steadfastness not only consolidates the administration’s objectives but also fosters trust among stakeholders.

Shettima’s ability to remain composed amid provocations reveals a deep-seated character marked by resilience and selflessness. Such conduct frustrates detractors while reinforcing his credibility as a leader who serves with humility and loyalty. Ultimately, the vice president’s approach reflects an exemplary model of servant leadership in contemporary governance, where loyalty is intertwined with accountability and genuine concern for the collective good.

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The participation of Vice President Kashim Shettima in the burial process of the late former President Muhammadu Buhari in Daura represents a significant moment of humility and solidarity among Nigeria’s elite. By actively engaging in lowering the remains into the grave, Shettima transcended traditional boundaries often observed by individuals of high status, demonstrating profound respect and unity during a solemn occasion. Such involvement is rare, as prominent figures typically maintain a distance from physically participating in burial rites. However, Shettima’s actions inspired others present to similarly set aside their social ranks and partake collectively in honoring the departed leader.

This event underscores the potential for societal leaders to model empathy and communal values during times of loss. The collective effort at Daura not only paid homage to the former president but also sent a powerful message about national cohesion and shared humanity. It challenges conventional norms regarding status and ritual participation, encouraging greater inclusivity in public mourning practices. Consequently, Shettima’s example may foster broader cultural shifts toward unity across socio-political divides.

At the third day prayers, Vice President Kashim Shettima assumed a distinctly fatherly role that transcended mere political protocol. His engagement with sympathizers was marked by genuine empathy and approachable warmth, fostering a sense of communal solidarity during a period of profound grief. This compassionate demeanor not only comforted attendees but also reinforced social cohesion among mourners who sought solace in shared remembrance.

The Vice President’s interaction with the bereaved family was characterized by carefully chosen words of encouragement and rare personal reflections. These moments provided emotional sustenance and helped to bridge individual sorrow with collective resilience. His address functioned as more than a formal eulogy; it became a sermonic message imbued with wisdom and hope, intended to guide the family through their ongoing journey of mourning.

This paternal engagement by the vice president at such a solemn occasion underscores the vital role of empathetic leadership in times of national loss. The enduring impact of his words is likely to resonate within the family for years to come, serving as both a source of comfort and an ethical compass amid adversity.

Indeed, Vice President Kashim Shettima stands as one of the most exemplary figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His leadership is marked by a profound commitment to humanity and an unwavering reverence for ethical governance, qualities that have distinguished him from many of his predecessors. Shettima’s approach reflects a blend of empathy and accountability, fostering trust between the government and the populace. This humane leadership style has been instrumental in addressing socio-political challenges with sensitivity and pragmatism.

Shettima’s governance is deeply rooted in moral principles, often guided by the fear of God, which underpins his decision-making processes. This spiritual foundation enhances his credibility and integrity as a leader who prioritizes national interest over personal gain. Consequently, his tenure will be recorded in history as one characterized by sincere dedication to Nigeria’s progress and stability. Through his exemplary conduct, Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplifies what it means to lead with both compassion and conviction within Nigeria’s democratic experience. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

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“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

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“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

By Isaac Abrak

In the wake of Nigeria’s 2015 general elections, a powerful Hausa phrase emerged: “Guguwar Buhari” —literally Buhari’s whirlwind.It aptly captured the tidal wave of support that swept General Muhammadu Buhari and many others into power under the banner of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The whirlwind was so intense that it carried along even political unknowns—individuals with no record, reputation, or merit—simply because they stood beside Buhari, either on campaign posters or on the ballot.

That year, the APC logo became a winning ticket. Voters, driven by their deep trust in Buhari, voted for any name attached to it. The former general himself fueled this trend with his now-famous campaign line: “APC sama da kasa”—vote APC from top to bottom. And that’s exactly what the Talakawa (the masses), particularly in the North, did. From the presidency to the National Assembly, governorships, state assemblies, and local councils, a wave of victories was handed out—not earned—thanks to one man’s charisma.

But mere months into Buhari’s administration, another Hausa phrase quietly entered public discourse: “Guguwar Buhari ta kwashi yayi”—“Buhari’s whirlwind picked up garbage”. The people began to wake up. The same whirlwind that propelled leaders into power had also brought in many unqualified, self-serving, and underperforming politicians. Disillusionment replaced euphoria. The Talakawa realized that too many of their elected representatives were unworthy of the offices they held.

By 2019, the tide was turning. Buhari may have secured a second term, but many of those who had previously clung to his coattails were rejected by a more conscious electorate. The blind loyalty was fading. Voters began asking tougher questions and demanding results. Northern Nigeria was slowly moving away from political sentimentalism toward issue-based engagement.

In 2023, another dimension to Buhari’s political capital emerged—*tthe myth of his “sacred 12 million votes. For over a decade, Buhari had consistently pulled around 12 million votes in presidential elections, largely from the North. This voting bloc became a prized political asset. Every major candidate, including now-President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, sought to harness this number. Whether he succeeded or not is a matter for future political autopsy. But what’s no longer in doubt is that the *whirlwind* that delivered that power is now gone.

Some politicians still believe they can inherit this legacy—that they can simply stand in Buhari’s shoes and command the North’s votes. But such thinking is delusional.

As one guest rightly noted during a special NTA broadcast on the day of Buhari’s burial, those 12 million votes weren’t earned overnight. They were built over decades of public service—beginning with Buhari’s tenure as Military Governor of the old North-Eastern State, followed by his service as Minister of Petroleum, Head of State, Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund, and eventually President. It was a reputation forged through discipline, integrity, and patriotic service.

Even so, Buhari’s aura wasn’t untouchable. As his presidency wore on, the same Talakawa who had once idolized him began expressing disappointment. He was booed at campaign rallies in Kano and Bauchi in 2019, and most memorably in Maiduguri in 2020, when he visited after a Boko Haram attack. Angry residents chanted “Ba mu da shugaba!” (“We have no leader!”) and “Ba mayi!” (we don’t want!). His controversial border closure policy, intended to curb smuggling, had instead led to food scarcity and economic hardship. If “Mai Gaskiya” (The Truthful One) could be jeered, how much more any politician attempting to coast on his reputation?

Today, the Northern voter is changing. The Talakawa want more than slogans. They now demand:

  • Functional hospitals
  • Affordable, quality education
  • Food security
  • Reliable electricity
  • Clean water
  • And, above all, security from terrorism and violence

These are not campaign fantasies—they are expected deliverables. Any leader who wants to command the North must first prove they can deliver these essentials. The North is at a crossroads. It must move from dependency to productivity. Leaders must rise to this challenge or risk being discarded by a growing wave of enlightened voters.

Indeed, there is evidence of this awakening everywhere. On social media,young Northerners—many of them Hausa-Fulani Muslims—are openly rejecting traditional political formulas.Some now declare they would rather vote for a Christian-Christian ticket than a Muslim-Muslim one, if it means better governance. It’s tempting to dismiss this as fringe sentiment—but the message is spreading fast. And it’s reshaping public consciousness.

Let’s be clear: Buhari’s 12 million votes pampered a generation of politicians. Many rode on his back without offering anything meaningful to the people. That era is now behind us. The Northern voter is evolving. Political awareness is rising. And with it, a new demand for performance, integrity, and accountability.

Whoever aspires to lead the North, command the Talakawa, and inherit Buhari’s political legacy must offer more than recycled slogans. They must present tangible evidence of good governance not just political promises.

This shift isn’t a crisis—it’s a victory for democracy. And perhaps, it’s the greatest legacy Buhari leaves behind: a Nigeria where voters are thinking for themselves. If you doubt it, just wait for 2027. The Talakawa will speak again—and this time, even louder.

In death, Buhari has unexpectedly revived his 2015 campaign slogan:“Chanji Dole! no need to translate this one.

Isaac Abrak is a Hostile Environment Journalist, a One Nigerianist, and Chairman of the Northern Christian Youth Professionals.
isaaclinus@gmail.com

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