Columns
Non-Teaching of CRK In Borno Schools And Rev Dikwa’s Faulty Narrative
Non-Teaching of CRK In Borno Schools And Rev Dikwa’s Faulty Narrative
By: Inuwa Bwala
I can never defend anybody over his or her roles in the contentious stoppage of the teaching of Christian Religious Knowledge CRK in Primary and Secondary schools across Borno state.
Not because I am a Christian, but because I believe that, a sound moral background to the education of every child, irrespective of religious belief is a sine qua non to proper upbringing.
I am aware that Christians in Borno state have resolved to fight for the restoration of the teaching of CRK to their children in Borno state.
Perhaps, this is one policy I may never be able to defend my late boss: the firmer Governor of Borno state, Mala Kachallah: during whose tenure the controversial policy was introduced and implemented.
I was in that Government as his S A Media, but had little or no say at all, when it was being mulled untill it metamorphosed into a state policy. One fact however remains that, those who wrote the script snd forced it on Mala Kachallah were not only insensitive to the feelings of fellow citizens who were Christians, but most uncharitable to the Government that pledged and swore to uphold the secularity of the Nigerian state.
Be that as it may, I read Reverend Musa Dikwa,’s submissions in an interview with Sahara Reporters and I must confess that, though I respect the person of the Reverend Father, I totally disagree with him over his postulations, to the effect that, former Borno State Governor, Senator Kashim Shettima introduced the controversial policy, during his stewardship as Governor of Borno state.
Reverend Dikwa may not be a good student of history, being a clergyman, so I will tend to pardon the mix ups in his narrative on the issue of the non teaching if Christian Religious Knowledge in Borno schools.
But I will not fail to caution against dragging people into unnecessary controversy at this period of our fragile political quest as a nation.
I speak from position of authority as an insider, but not a participant in the intrigues that gave birth to that policy: controversial, as it remains.
There emerged a group of Islamic fundamentalists around the year 2000 in Borno state, comprising of highly educated and influential individuals, who were bent on enforcing the principles of the Shariah law to the later.
They were the same people who drafted the Borno state version of the law and cajoled Governor Mala Kachallah into signing the law: albeit reluctantly.
The necessary instruments for the implementation of the law were not however put in place, but the same group recruited some boys, who went about dismantling all sculptures, erected at strategic points within the metropolis, under the guise of implementing Shariah law.
These were the same group that threatened to let hell loose, unless Governor Mala Kachallah implements the policy that forbids the teaching of CRK in state schools.
I stand to be corrected, but following trends of events in Borno state since that time, i have a very strong inkling that, the group was to later metamorphose into the dreaded Boko Haram.
Thise who are conversant with how the Government operated under Shettima can testify to the fact that he made attempts to reverse that policy, when he sent some of us out to try and pacify our Christian brothers who suffered some forms deprivations. It remains to Kashim Shettima’s credit that there was no single controversy involving his government.
I recall when the lands department attempted to regularize church building documents at a certain period, he assigned us to intervene and settled the matter, by letting the churches be, despite certain infractions in their papers
How Reverend Dikwa got his own narrative from is still baffling to me, just as it is unfair to the person of Kashim Shettima, the Presidential running mate of the All Progressives Congress, APC.
READ ALSO: https://dailypost.ng/2022/10/29/journalists-in-yobe-boycott-government-activities-over-alleged-intimidation-harassment/
As at the time the policy was introduced, I make bold to say kashim Shettima was still in the private sector, pursuing a career as a banker, and never envisaged becoming the Governor or even pursuing unpopular policies as that one remains.
Having worked with Kashim Shettima, I can attest to his liberalism when it comes to issues of religion. For the period I worked with him, he has never demonstrated any form of discrimination in his policies.
I wish to place on record, that, Kashim Shettima was the first Governor to give two slots to Christians as commissioners and sponsored the highest number of Christian pilgrims ever by the Borno state Government.
I am aware that he has already pencilled down several Christians he plans to send for the pilgrimage this year, even as a private citizen.
I dare say, that, while Reverend Dikwa’s jaundiced story may sound sweet in the ears of political opponents and merchants of crisis, the truth must always be told: especially by those whose job it is to tell the truth. My take.
Non-Teaching of CRK In Borno Schools And Rev Dikwa’s Faulty Narrative
Columns
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
By: Balami Lazarus
For some time NEWSng has been waving aside the idea of writing on these popular patriotic individuals who are public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers that have taken upon themselves to contribute their quota consistently on radio by holding elected leaders accountable and demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence on the Plateau and in Nigeria at large.
It is interesting to know if a media known for featuring and reporting positive developments should allow such important contributions to our democracy with clear objectives for good governance to go down the drain.
Therefore, these men are like the old English musketeers famous for their bravery and professional acts of protection of kings in medieval Europe. These respected individuals are for the public interest, advocating for good governance at all levels through their voices.
They are public mouthpieces, spokesmen for and on behalf of the public who are always calling the attention of elected leaders to challenges faced by the citizens who voted them into power in the political democracy on the Plateau through some radio programs.
The contributions of these patriotic citizens for holding our leaders accountable for good governance in order to make Nigeria better serve as the lighthouses of our democratic growth and development.
If you were to listen to them, you would agree that they are passionate about good governance/dividends of democracy and peace on the Plateau and in Nigeria. They are not critics; they don’t attack, but their actions and opinions/views are raw and painful but are the truth that cannot be denied because they are necessary for the government and other leaders who need to consider them and begin to act to bring developments for the citizens.
NEWSng decided to limit this work to only five in spite of numerous contributors to the radio programs. Musa Kalu, Ada Onugu, Comrade Dadong Antibas, Hon. Omenaka Jude Sat, and Sadiq Umar, whose voices are the true representations of the grassroots. Their voices are cries of the Nigerian masses for dividends of democracy. Ultimately they are holding democratically elected leaders accountable in the present democratic dispensation.
Speaking to them individually on why they are passionate about holding elected leaders accountable. However, they spoke from different angles of developments. Ironically, they are all on the same page demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence among the Nigerian citizens.
Musa Kalu is always on the path of peaceful coexistence without any sentiments. ‘As a Nigerian, I am for peaceful coexistence, progress, and development. Nigeria belongs to all of us in respect of religion, ethnicity, and geographical location. Hon. Jude Sat said that as a public mouthpiece, they will not close their eyes where the government is not doing the needful. ‘I will continue to speak for a better Plateau and Nigeria and for the future generations.’
These individuals are refined politicians in their own right with a strong political hold on their wards/communities. Reliable sources have it that Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang received bulk votes in Jenta/Apata wards, among other wards in Jos, because of the handiworks of some of the public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers.
On security bedeviling the state and the country at large, they unanimously said that unless and until the government takes decisive actions on the security challenges, there will be no good governance.
Dadong Antibas said, ‘We will continue to speak and hold our leaders accountable at all times. I have received threats, but that has not stopped my voice…. I have been speaking on state and national issues for years.
Furthermore, Sadiq Umar said that citizens of the state have come to confide in them to speak and call the attention of the government and other elected leaders to their plights. Holding our leaders responsible and accountable…is my responsibility, including you.
Attempts to meet and speak with Ada Onugu failed. However, investigations revealed that their voices are meant to check the activities of government and elected leaders on the Plateau. Their hold on their wards/communities as public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers is laudable. Thus, elected leaders and aspiring politicians on the Plateau are beginning to align and key into their popularity at the grassroots.
They all acknowledged the wonderful works of Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang for his efforts in providing dividends of democracy through good governance.
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
Columns
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
By Oumarou Sanou
Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.
Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.
Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”
How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.
Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?
Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.
Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.
Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.
When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.
Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”
This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.
Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.
Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.
And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.
In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.
But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.
Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.
Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.
Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Columns
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
By: Balami Lazarus
I have been for youths’ growth and progress in either trades, vocations, professions, or any other legitimate endeavors that will self-empower them or be contributions to their communities later in life.
Before this write-up, I made several attempts to meet and speak with one of the young politicians on the Plateau, but all my efforts failed. Therefore, I decided to put down what I knew personally about the aforementioned political personality and equally what I was able to gather from investigations about this young politician in question who belongs to the youth gallery of politicians on the Plateau.
These young politicians are educated, energetic, focused, and professionals in their chosen careers. They are full of ideas of good governance, excellent blueprints, and roadmaps to future human and capital developments for progress in the realms of our political democracy with clarity of purpose and objectives that reflects our country’s motto, ‘unity and faith, peace and progress.’
The 1999 phase of our political democracy has ushered in mass numbers of youths into the political space, where they are actively participating in meaningful politicking, aspiring for elective positions under a political party of their choice, but with the passage of time, 25 years down the democratic line, we have seen and experienced the contributions of these young, able politicians with a quantum leap in political activities and contributions. Today you find them some elective positions, some with political appointments at both state and federal levels. Unlike in past years, where it was uncommon to find youths as young politicians occupying elective positions, talk less of political appointments. Rather, they are used as political thugs and later dumped when elections are over.
But here on the Plateau, this new dawn has provided the youths who are purposeful the chance and space to participate and vie for political offices, having fulfilled all necessary requirements. I hereby in this work correctly, sincerely, and truthfully declare and attest as to it as a political affidavit that you can find them in many political elective offices and appointments as council chairmen, secretaries, members of assembly aides, and councillors, to mention but a few.
Moreover, my political findings have clearly revealed that Plateau State is a common ground for youth in politics. And more importantly, it has been a healthy launching pad where many more shall reach higher elective positions.
Hon. (Pharm) Samuel Ishaya Gyang is one among such young politicians on the Plateau that has willingly decided to offer himself to serve his people through politics. Investigations have shown that Samuel Gyang is well accepted by the larger members of his community/constituency—Jos Northwest. And to a larger extent, Pharmacist Gyang has gone beyond the Jos North Local Government Area, where he served as secretary with good political records of performance. ‘We have felt him in the distributions of fertilizers in the local government.’
Political rumors going around said that Hon. Samuel Ishaya Gyang is likely to contest once again for the House of Assembly, Jos Northwestconstituency.
Well, there is nothing bad in that. The political spreadsheet is wide and large enough to contain aspirants. Samuel Gyang, keep up the good work and aspire for other high political offices.
Balami, a publisher/columnist. 08036779290
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
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