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Profile of the late Emir of Tikau
Profile of the late Emir of Tikau
By: Yahaya Wakili
The late Mai Tikau, Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Ibn Grema, was born into the family of the late Mai Abubakar Ibn Grema on August 21, 1951, and ascended to the throne of his father, the late Abubakar Ibn Grema, on July 21, 2001.
He attended Damboa primary school, Potiskum, from 1960–1963, and proceeded to senior boarding primary school, Potiskum, from 1964–1966, and from there he moved to Government Craft School, Maiduguri, in 1967–1969, and later moved to Gombe Teachers College for his Grade 11 certificate from 1970–1972.
In his commitment to higher educational pursuits, the late Emir left the classroom to obtain an NCE certificate from Advance Teachers College, Maiduguri, from 1977 to 1980, and he was among the 13th batch of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) from 1981 to 1982. He proceeded to the University of Maiduguri from 1987 to 1990, where he obtained a bachelor’s degree in education.
The late Emir was a career educator, where he grew from a class teacher in 1973 up to school headmaster in 1977. From there, the late emir moved to the secondary level of education as a master teacher and rose to the rank of principal in 1998, and his education career ended in 2002 when he was appointed as the district head of Nangere. As destined by Allah (SWT), he was appointed as a second-class emir of Tikau on July 21, 2001, and on May 28, 2007, the late emir was upgraded to first-class status.
In line with the Yobe state government directive for the establishment of Zakkat and Waqaf committees in all the emirates in the state, the late emir was the first to establish the Zakkat and Waqaf committee with him as chairman in 2002.
The committee conducts an annual launching for the collection of Zakkat and Waqaf throughout the emirate. From 2002 to date, a total sum of $47,885,014.00k, with the highest donations of $4,681,200.00k in 2002, was collected and distributed to the needy.
Since his ascension to the throne in 2002, an additional 46 Friday Masjids have been built, while many of the existing Masjids have either been renovated or reconstructed. He also approved an improved condition of service for Imams and Na’ibs, with provisions for the distribution of the Holy Qur’an, regalia, and even financial support for house renovation.
Prior to the establishment of the Zakkat and Waqaf committee in 2002 in Tikau emirate by the late emir, many villages had no access to Islamiyya schools. From 2002 to date, the number of Islamiyya schools rose from 10 to 74 in 2023.
With regards to the enrollment of males, females, and teachers into Islamiyya schools, the emir, Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Ibn Grema, has increased their numbers to 2,185 for males, 4,617 for females, and 168 for teachers, amounting to 6,802 in 2023.
This record of achievements can be attributed to the firm commitment of the late emir of Tikau, Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Ibn Grema, with the active support of his Zakkat and Waqaf committees in propagating Islam throughout the emirate.
The late emir is actively driving Da’awah activities in the emirate. The Zakkat and Waqaf committee, in collaboration with the Da’awah department of FOMWAN under the leadership of Malama Hauwa Idris Muhammad, has been conducting a series of lectures, practical demonstrations, and question-and-answer sessions on selected topics.
The late Emir of Tikau, Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Ibn Grema, received many merit awards, including many international and national awards. Kentucky Colonel Award by the Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, United States of America, 2005. Traditional Leadership Award by Development in Nigeria Merit Award (DINMA), People State and Resource, PSR Magazine 2008.
Others Merit Awards include: Chancellor, Yobe State University, Damaturu 2010-2020; Grand Patron, Yobe State Islamic Teachers Association 2011, Environmental Support and Protection Award, by Environmental Outreach Magazine, Bayelsa State; Award of Merit by Ummaty International Charity Foundation, Yobe State Chapter 2024; NANS Yobe Chapter, Grand Patron; and Hijra TV Ghana, Merit Award, 2023.
May Almighty Allah forgive his shortcomings and grant him Aljannatur Fidaus. Ameen.
Profile of the late Emir of Tikau
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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
By: Zagazola Makama
Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.
The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.
According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”
No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.
The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.
Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.
Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.
The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.
Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
By: Zagazola Makama
The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.
What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.
For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.
The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.
While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.
Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.
Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.
In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.
Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.
Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.
However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.
Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.
For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.
The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.
By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.
The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.
Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.
One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.
Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.
The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.
Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.
That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.
The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.
What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.
The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.
Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
By Comrade Philip Ikodor
KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.
In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.
“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:
Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.
Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.
The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
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