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Senate to Partner with NDLEA to Fight Drug Menace
Senate to Partner with NDLEA to Fight Drug Menace
By: Michael Mike
The Upper Chamber of the National Assembly has expressed willingness to partner and support the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), in the task of ridding Nigeria of drug menace.
The Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics while commending the leadership of NDLEA for its unrelenting war against substance abuse and illicit drug trafficking, said it was prepared and committed to partner and support the agency to succeed in its onerous task of ridding Nigeria of the drug menace.
The assurance was given after the Chairman/Chief Executive of NDLEA, Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa (Retd) briefed the Committee on the activities, challenges and achievements of the agency in the last 34 months at the National Assembly complex, Abuja.

Marwa, during the briefing on Tuesday, said the global supply and demand of illicit drugs, including opioids and synthetic drugs has exacerbated the world drug problem, with devastating impact on people and their well-being across borders and continents.
He said: “Families, communities, young people and old men and women and indeed the very fabric of our society is daily being destroyed by drug abuse.” He added that the scourge is at the basis of the security challenges facing not only Nigeria but other nations and as such, no effort must be spared in addressing the problem.”
Speaking on some of its achievements in the areas of drug demand reduction and drug supply reduction, Marwa said: “The agency re-ignited its intelligence-based enforcement capabilities, focusing on drug barons and cartels, with a view to cutting off supplies and taking illicit drugs away from our streets. This is yielding positive results with the arrest of 36,096 drug traffickers, among them 40 barons, between January 2021 and September 2023. The agency has recorded seizures of 6,668 tons of drugs, worth over N635 billion. About 957.319 hectares of cannabis farms have been destroyed across 12 states within the period under review, while we successfully prosecuted and got convictions in 6,043 cases.
“Presently, there are 11,166 pending cases in Federal High Court across the country. And between January 2021 and September 2023, over 27,432 drug-dependent individuals have been counselled and discharged from our counselling and treatment facilities across the country.”
He highlighted some of the challenges facing the agency to include: inadequate funding, dearth of standard rehabilitation centres, lack of operational boats and vehicles, forensic laboratories and poor salary structure for personnel among others.
Marwa said the modest achievements recorded by the agency in the past months couldn’t have been possible without the backing of the Executive, the Judiciary and the Legislature. “We are hopeful that we will get even more impactful support from the 10th Senate. We look forward to your assistance in taking care of some Gordian knots that can only be solved by legislative means”, he added.
In his remarks, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics, Senator Ibrahim Dankwambo said: “I want to assure you that the newly inaugurated members of the committee are fully committed to working with the NDLEA. All the members have assured that they would contribute and do their best in working to eradicate the use of illicit drugs and narcotics in Nigeria. We will consider the possibility of having an emergency summit on drugs because of the seriousness of the issue.”
Also speaking, Vice Chairman of the Committee, Senator Osita Ngwu said: “We are so glad that the NDLEA is working and we are seeing the results. Over 6000 tons of drugs confiscated is not a joke. I use this medium to encourage you, and whatever support you need from our end, we will give. We are all passionate about reducing drug demand, if we don’t deal with it now, it will destroy us.
“Whatever support we can give we will provide for you to continue this fight, so that we can take drugs off our streets and make our youth useful. We are all going to work together by all means to make sure that all we discussed here will be put in process.”
Other members of the committee who spoke toed the same line of commendation and assurance while they all agreed to fast track the amendment of the NDLEA Act earlier passed by the 9th Senate but returned to the 10th Senate because it lapsed.
Senate to Partner with NDLEA to Fight Drug Menace
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Troops uncover illegal crude oil storage facility in Ahoada West forest in Rivers
Troops uncover illegal crude oil storage facility in Ahoada West forest in Rivers
By: Zagazola Makama
Troops of Joint Task Force, South-South, Operation DELTA SAFE, have uncovered an illegal crude oil storage site in the Orashi National Forest in Ahoada West Local Government Area of Rivers State.
Security sources said the discovery was made at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, 2026, during an anti-illegal bunkering operation conducted by troops deployed at Aminigboko, alongside personnel of 103 Battalion and 16 Brigade Garrison.
During the operation, troops reportedly found two long galvanized pipes estimated at about 500 metres each, two hoses approximately 50 metres long, and a large reservoir containing stolen crude oil estimated at about 15,000 litres.
The recovered items were handled in line with the directives of Operation DELTA SAFE. Authorities said efforts are ongoing to identify and dismantle other illegal bunkering networks in the area.
Troops uncover illegal crude oil storage facility in Ahoada West forest in Rivers
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Troops and Tantita operatives arrest 2 suspected oil bunkerers, recover AGO in Delta
Troops and Tantita operatives arrest 2 suspected oil bunkerers, recover AGO in Delta
By: Zagazola Makama
Troops of 181 Amphibious Battalion, in collaboration with Tantita Security Services operatives, have arrested two suspected illegal oil bunkerers in Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta State.
Security sources said the suspects were apprehended at about 9:25 a.m. on April 4, 2026, around the Transpalodec Hotel junction in Kwale, following intelligence on their alleged activities.
Preliminary investigations indicated that the suspects had been on the watchlist of suspected bunkerers operating within the Kwale axis and were under surveillance prior to their arrest.
Items recovered from them included about 60 litres of Automotive Gas Oil (AGO), 32 sacks, and four mobile phones.
The suspects and recovered items were handed over to the Nigerian Police, Kwale Division, for further investigation and possible prosecution.
Troops and Tantita operatives arrest 2 suspected oil bunkerers, recover AGO in Delta
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The Sahel: Seeing Through Russia’s Disinformation Playbook in Africa
The Sahel: Seeing Through Russia’s Disinformation Playbook in Africa
By: Umarou Sanou
Africa is no stranger to foreign influence, be it from superpowers or emerging powers, from the West to the East, from Washington to Beijing, from the Kremlin to Paris, and from Tel Aviv to Tehran, among others. But what is unfolding today in the Sahel goes beyond influence; it is a deliberate, structured campaign of manipulation, carefully engineered through narratives, proxies, and disinformation.
Russia’s growing footprint in Africa, particularly across the Sahel, is often presented as solidarity, anti-imperialism, and strategic partnership. Yet beneath this carefully crafted messaging lies a far more calculated agenda: shaping African public opinion to serve Moscow’s geopolitical interests, especially its war in Ukraine, while offering little in real developmental value.
The uncomfortable truth is this: Russia has far more to gain from Africa than Africa has to gain from Russia.
Recent investigative work by Forbidden Stories has shed rare light on what can only be described as a coordinated influence architecture. Leaked documents attributed to Russian intelligence outline a clear objective to “reformat the African space” by building a belt of friendly regimes. Africa, in this framing, is not a partner. It is a theatre of operations.
At the centre of this strategy is the Sahel. The Alliance of Sahel States, comprising Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, is projected as a bold symbol of sovereignty and resistance. But in reality, it risks becoming a geopolitical outpost, a testing ground in the wider contest between Russia and the West. The rhetoric is powerful. The outcomes, however, remain underwhelming.
Security has not improved. Terrorist groups continue to expand their operational space. Economic transformation remains elusive. What has grown instead is a sophisticated machinery of influence.
This machinery operates quietly but effectively. Journalists are approached under the guise of partnerships, only to be offered payments for sponsored narratives.
Influencers and cultural figures are recruited to amplify pro-Russian messaging. Youth forums and pan-African platforms are repurposed as ideological channels. Entire media ecosystems are being constructed to bypass critical voices and flood the information space with curated content.
This is not engagement. It is infiltration. The real danger, however, lies not just in the content of these narratives, but in how they are constructed. They are tailored to resonate deeply with African history, invoking anti-colonial struggles, pan-African solidarity, and resistance to Western dominance.
The language is familiar. The appeal is emotional.
But it is also deceptive. Because rejecting one form of external influence only to embrace another is not liberation: it is substitution.
Russia presents itself as a champion against imperialism. Yet its actions tell a different story. From its conduct in Ukraine to its historical approach to internal dissent, Moscow’s record raises serious questions about the values it claims to export. It is difficult to position oneself as anti-imperialist while engaging in actions that mirror the very practices one condemns.
This contradiction is not accidental. It is strategic. Narratives, after all, are instruments of power. In the Sahel, these narratives are spreading like soap bubbles; colourful, attractive, and easy to absorb. But like all bubbles, they lack substance. They promise partnership without delivery, solidarity without sacrifice, and security without stability.
And yet, they are gaining traction. Part of the reason lies in Africa’s historical vulnerability to external storytelling. From colonial rule to Cold War alignments, the continent has often been positioned as an arena for competing global interests rather than as an autonomous actor. Today, that pattern risks repeating itself, this time through digital platforms, information warfare, and narrative manipulation.
But Africa’s challenges have evolved. The continent is no longer grappling with colonialism as its primary concern. The real issues today are governance, development, and security. The Sahel does not need competing propaganda. It needs functioning institutions. It does not need ideological alignment. It needs jobs, infrastructure, and stability.
It certainly does not need to be drawn into geopolitical rivalries that do not serve its interests.
Russia cannot solve these problems, and the evidence is increasingly clear. Where Russian-backed security arrangements have taken root, instability has persisted and, in some cases, deepened. Armed groups continue to exploit governance vacuums. Civilian populations remain vulnerable. Regional spillovers are affecting neighbouring countries, including Nigeria, Benin, and Ghana.
At the same time, Russia’s economic footprint in Africa remains limited. Trade volumes are modest compared to other global partners. Investment levels are low. Developmental impact is minimal.
In essence, the offer is simple: narratives in exchange for influence. This is not a partnership. It is a transaction.
None of this suggests that Africa should disengage from Russia or any other global power. Strategic engagement remains necessary in a complex world. But such engagement must be grounded in realism, not rhetoric.
Africa must judge its partners not by what they say, but by what they deliver. More importantly, Africa must begin to tell its own story.
The spread of disinformation in the Sahel is not solely a foreign problem. It is also a reflection of domestic vulnerabilities: weak institutions, underfunded media, and limited digital literacy. Addressing these gaps is as critical as countering external interference.
Journalists must uphold professional integrity and resist inducements that compromise credibility. Influencers and cultural voices must recognise their responsibility in shaping public discourse. Governments must invest in media literacy and transparent communication.
And citizens, especially the youth, must learn to question, verify, and think critically. Because ultimately, the battle is not just for territory or alliances. It is for the African mind.
Russia’s disinformation template in the Sahel is sophisticated and persistent. But it is not invincible. Its strength lies in perception, and once that perception is challenged, its influence weakens.
Africa stands at a defining moment. It can continue to be a stage for external ambitions, or it can assert itself as an actor, confident, strategic, and guided by its own interests.
The choice is clear. Africa does not need another patron. It needs clarity, sovereignty, and strategic discipline. And above all, it must learn to see through the illusion.
Umarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer, and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics.
Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
The Sahel: Seeing Through Russia’s Disinformation Playbook in Africa
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