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The Trained Doctors Are Back In Borno, All Thanks To VP Shettima

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The Trained Doctors Are Back In Borno, All Thanks To VP Shettima

By Stanley Nkwocha

Gratitude, they say, does not play around. It goes straight for the heart. It is what happens when we stop long enough to notice all the good stuff. So, it was not surprising that a group of medical doctors were among well-meaning Nigerians who availed themselves of the opportunity created by the Eid-el-Fitr celebrations on Thursday to pay the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, a thank-you visit at his residence in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital.

The medical doctors were among the 60 female medical students sponsored for MBBS courses in 2014 when the administration of Senator Shettima in Borno State awarded scholarships to students studying different health professional fields abroad.

In 2014, then Governor Shettima took it upon himself to sponsor female citizens of the state to study Medicine at the El-Razi Medical University, Khartoum in Sudan and other citadels of great learning. During the launch of the Female Medical Intervention Programme of his administration and presentation of scholarship letters at the Government House Maiduguri, Shettima had said the female students were drawn from the 27 local government areas of the state.

“Having 30 female medical doctors which the state desperately needs is the greatest legacy the government can give the state, in view of the fact that women have peculiar health challenges arising from maternity, menstrual and other issues that women would be in the best position to handle as a result of the African culture and religion,” Shettima had said, noting that 30 female candidates would be sent every year for training as medical doctors and that no amount of money spent on their training would be a waste.

Not satisfied, Shettima had directed the then commissioner for Higher Education, Mr Bello Ayuba, to add three more Christian female candidates and two female students from the Northern part of the state to the 30 scheduled for the training, imploring the candidates to be good ambassadors of the state and the country.

True to his words, as good ambassadors they were urged to become, the medical doctors were back on Thursday with an unquenchable desire to thank and appreciate Kashim Shettima for his capacity and the will to rally men and women to a common purpose and the character which inspires confidence.

Recounting their experience and how they were recruited, one of the 60 girls picked from across Borno State and sponsored by Shettima to study Medicine abroad, Dr. Aisha Kaumi, told journalists immediately after the Sallah homage to the Vice President that they have since graduated, with 50 of them working as medical doctors in the state.

She said, “My name is Dr. Aisha Kaumi, one of the medical doctors sponsored by Vice President Kashim Shettima while he was governor of Borno State. So, we came here today to pay a visit to thank him for all he has done for us and to congratulate him on his well-deserved position as the Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Alhamdulillah, we met him and everything went well, and he (the VP) assured us that in case we want to specialize he was 100 percent ready to assist us.

“We were 60 then, 30 of us from El-Razi Medical University, Khartoum in Sudan, and the other 30 who graduated from the National University of Sudan. Alhamdulillah, all of us graduated and currently, about 50 of us are working with the state government here in Borno State. The remaining ten are yet to pass their medical exams but, Insha Allah, we are hoping that they will catch up with us.”

On the motivation behind studying Medicine and the impact on them and the state, Dr. Kaumi said, “It was indeed a dream come true because I never ever thought I will become a medical doctor. So, Alhamdulillah, I’m very grateful to the Vice President. Without him, I don’t think I would have become a medical doctor today. It was not easy; it was a kind of roller coaster of hardship and the courage to study well so that we can come here and help our people in Borno State. So, we are very grateful to him. His Excellency, the governor of Borno State is really doing well in trying to equip the hospitals. We are really grateful.”

Retrospectively, the health and education sectors received adequate attention in Borno State under Senator Shettima as governor. Apart from human capital development which led to foreign scholarships for the ever-grateful medical doctors to study abroad, the then Governor Shettima utilized available resources at his disposal to rehabilitate hospitals destroyed by the Boko Haram insurgents and for the procurement of equipment for some reconstructed health facilities.

As Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, an opportunity given to him by his boss, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, VP Shetima is poised to replicate the same leadership of lifting the vision of Nigerians complementing Mr President’s effort at raising performance to a higher levels as well as improving standard of living beyond normal limitations.

The signs are becoming very clear in just less than a year of the Tinubu-led Renewed Hope administration. As the administration advances in the course of changing the narrative for Nigerians, it will become glaring to all why President Tinubu settled for a Vice President who is trustworthy, visionary, loyal and capable.

Nkwocha, spokesman of Vice President Kashim Shettima wrote in from Maiduguri, the Borno State capital.

The Trained Doctors Are Back In Borno, All Thanks To VP Shettima

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How misdiagnosis, narratives are fuelling Nigeria’s banditry escalation

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How misdiagnosis, narratives are fuelling Nigeria’s banditry escalation

By: Zagazola Makama

Nigeria’s banditry crisis is no longer escalating simply because armed groups are growing bolder. It is escalating because the country continues to misdiagnose the threat, apply blunt policy tools to differentiated actors, and unintentionally feed a violent criminal economy through ransom payments, politicised narratives and delayed state consolidation.

Across the North-West and parts of the North-Central, banditry has evolved beyond rural violence into a structured, profit-driven security threat. Yet public debate remains trapped between emotional appeals for dialogue and absolutist calls for force, leaving little room for the strategic clarity required to halt the violence.

At the heart of the escalation is money. Banditry today survives on a diversified revenue architecture that includes ransom payments, cattle rustling, illegal mining, arms trafficking, extortion levies on farming and mining communities, and collaboration with transnational criminal networks. Each successful kidnapping or “peace levy” reinforces the viability of violence as a business model.

Data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) in December 2024 underlined the scale of this economy with the North-West accounting for the highest number of kidnap incidents and victims.

Zagazola argue that as long as communities remain unprotected and ransom payments continue as a survival strategy, banditry will regenerate faster than military operations can suppress it. This is not ideology-driven violence at its core; it is cash-flow-driven criminality as every payment funds the next attack.

Another accelerant is Nigeria’s persistent failure to differentiate categories of armed actors. Security assessments increasingly point to at least two distinct groups operating within the banditry ecosystem.

The first consists of low-level, defensive armed actors, often rural residents who acquired weapons after suffering attacks and whose violence is reactive rather than predatory. The second group comprises entrenched, profit-driven bandit networks responsible for mass kidnappings, village destruction, sexual violence, arms trafficking and territorial control.

Yet public discourse and policy responses frequently collapse these actors into a single category of “bandits,” resulting in indiscriminate dialogue offers, blanket amnesty rhetoric or, conversely, broad-brush security operations that alienate communities. This conceptual error, allows high-value criminal leaders to masquerade as aggrieved actors while exploiting negotiations to buy time, regroup and rearm.

Dialogue has repeatedly been applied in contexts where the state lacks coercive leverage. Experiences in Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto and Kaduna states and parts of the North-West show a consistent pattern: temporary reductions in violence following peace deals, followed by rapid relapse and escalation. Officials who participated in the dialogue have openly acknowledged that many agreements collapsed within months.

The negotiations conducted without sustained military pressure, intelligence dominance and post-agreement enforcement mechanisms merely incentivise armed groups to pause tactically. When criminals negotiate from a position of strength, dialogue becomes appeasement.

Perhaps the most dangerous accelerant is the ethnicisation of banditry. Although criminal gangs include actors of identifiable ethnic backgrounds, the violence itself is not driven by ethnic grievance. Nonetheless, selective media framing and political rhetoric like what had been witnessed in Plateau have increasingly cast banditry through identity lenses, particularly in farmer–herder contexts.

This framing obscures the criminal logic of the violence and deepens mistrust between communities that are themselves victims. In Nigeria today, the fulani herdsmen and pastoralists communities are being weaponized and stereotyped as bandits. This dangerous persecution has strengthens bandit recruitment narratives, allowing criminal leaders to cloak profit-driven violence in claims of ethnic persecution or genocide.

Historical records and sociological studies show that Fulani, Hausa, Tiv, Berom and other communities coexisted for decades through complementary economic systems. The breakdown of this coexistence has been exploited by armed groups seeking cover, recruits and informants. Security agencies possess significantly more intelligence on bandit networks than is visible in public debate. Lawful interceptions, human intelligence and post-operation assessments routinely reveal financial motives, supply routes and internal hierarchies within armed groups.

However, public advocacy for dialogue often relies on forest-level engagements that security officials describe as “theatrical performances” by bandits choreographed grievances designed to elicit sympathy and concessions. The disconnect between classified intelligence and public narratives has allowed emotionally compelling but strategically flawed arguments to dominate national discourse.

Another escalation factor is the emerging convergence between bandit networks and ideological terrorist groups as Nigeria’s internal security landscape firmly indicates that what has long been treated as banditry especially in the North-West and parts of North-Central Nigeria has evolved into a hybrid jihadist campaign, driven by Boko Haram (JAS faction) and reinforced by JNIM elements operating from Sahelian-linked forest sanctuaries. Shared arms supply chains, training exchanges and joint operations could transform banditry from criminal violence into full-spectrum insurgency if unchecked. Nigeria’s past experience with Boko Haram demonstrates the cost of dismissing such convergence as isolated or exaggerated.

Military operations have succeeded in degrading bandit camps in several corridors, but the absence of immediate governance has allowed violence to recycle. Clearing operations not followed by permanent security presence, functional courts, reopened schools, healthcare and markets leave vacuums that criminal actors quickly refill. Bandits and other criminals thrive where state authority is episodic rather than continuous. Security victories without governance consolidation merely displace violence spatially and temporally.

Therefore, Nigeria must urgently reset its approach by formally adopting threat differentiation, choking financial lifelines, regulating community defence structures, and ensuring intelligence-led, precise enforcement against high-risk criminal networks. Dialogue, they say, must be selective, conditional and embedded within formal disarmament and reintegration frameworks not deployed as a moral reflex.

Above all, the state must reclaim narrative control by defining banditry clearly as organised criminal violence, not a sociological misunderstanding. As one senior official put it, “Banditry escalates where sentiment overrides strategy. The cure begins with honesty.”

Without that honesty, Nigeria risks allowing a violent criminal economy to entrench itself deeper into the country’s security architecture at a cost measured not just in money, but in lives, legitimacy and national cohesion.

How misdiagnosis, narratives are fuelling Nigeria’s banditry escalation

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ISWAP kills 10 JAS fighters in Kukawa as rivalry clashes escalates

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ISWAP kills 10 JAS fighters in Kukawa as rivalry clashes escalates

By: Zagazola Makama

No fewer than 10 fighters of the Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) were killed on Jan. 8 during a night attack by the rival Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) at Dabar Ledda, within the Doron Naira axis of Kukawa Local Government Area (LGA) of Borno State.

Security sources told Zagazola Makama that ISWAP fighters launched a surprise assault on a JAS checkpoint, locally referred to as an Irasa, in the Dabar Ledda area, overwhelming the position after a brief but intense clash.

Sources familiar with developments in the area told Zagazola Makama that the attack ended decisively in ISWAP’s favour, with about 10 JAS fighters killed. Following the operation, ISWAP elements were said to have withdrawn swiftly to their major stronghold located between Kangarwa and Dogon Chuku, also within Kukawa LGA.

Both group has, in recent years, focused on degrading each other’s capabilities in an attempt to consolidate control over key corridors around Lake Chad as well as Sambisa Forest.

However, the latest clash is expected to trigger a violent response. Intelligence reports suggest that JAS leadership, acting on directives allegedly issued by Abu Umaima, has ordered mobilisation of fighters across the northern and central parts of the Lake Chad region of Borno (LCRBA) in preparation for retaliatory attacks.

The planned counter-offensive could lead to an upsurge in large-scale attacks in the days and weeks ahead, particularly around the Kangarwa–Dogon Chuku corridor, an area that has witnessed repeated factional battles due to its strategic value for logistics, recruitment and access routes.

While the infighting has historically weakened Boko Haram/ISWAP overall cohesion, Zagazola caution that intensified clashes often come at a heavy cost to civilians, as armed groups raid communities for supplies, conscripts and intelligence. Kukawa LGA, already battered by years of insurgency, remains highly vulnerable whenever such rivalries escalate.

ISWAP kills 10 JAS fighters in Kukawa as rivalry clashes escalates

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Troops foiled bandit attack in Sokoto, recovered rustled livestock in Gudu

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Troops foiled bandit attack in Sokoto, recovered rustled livestock in Gudu

By: Zagazola Makama

A bandit attack on Karfen Chana village in Gudu Local Government Area of Sokoto State was successfully thwarted on Saturday evening, with security forces recovering all rustled domestic animals.

Zagazola report that the attack occurred at about 5:00 p.m. when armed bandits, described as Lakurawa, invaded the village and opened fire sporadically, stealing an unspecified number of livestock.

The troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA engaged the bandits in a gun duel, forcing the attackers to retreat towards the Niger border.

All the rustled animals were recovered and returned to their rightful owners. Fortunately, no casualties or injuries were reported among the security personnel.

The troops have continued to maintain rigorous patrols in the area to ensure sustained security and prevent further attacks.
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