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TIMIPRE SYLVA AND HIS PENCHANT FOR NOTORIETY: LIGHTING IS ABOUT TO STRIKE AGAIN
TIMIPRE SYLVA AND HIS PENCHANT FOR NOTORIETY: LIGHTING IS ABOUT TO STRIKE AGAIN
By: Jonathan Orumiebi Andabai
Lightening, they say, never strikes at the same place twice, but for the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Bayelsa, it appears this saying may not be the case. This is because the party’s candidate in the November 11 governorship election, Mr. Timipre Sylva and his running mate, Mr. Joshua Maciver are both tainted. A situation which forced political analyst in the state to ask: “Why is the APC self-inflicting yet another injury on itself? If that can of worm is opened it will be so toxic that it could extinct the political career of the Okpoma born politician”.
The 2019 gubernatorial debacle which lead to lost of the governorship seems to be unfolding again in even a worse dimension as Sylva has in a most controversial move picked Mr. Joshua Maciver, who was a jailbreaker as his running mate. Mr. Maciver has since confessed to breaking jail while servicing a ten years jail term over multiple felonies. The unrepentant felon has boastfully stated in a video he personally posted that should the situation arise; he will do the same thing again. “I have no regrets” he stated.
For Sylva, it has been established by a Federal High Court in Abuja that his candidature shall amount to a breach of the 1999 constitution should he contest and win the November, 11 2023 Governorship elections. The judgement further stated that apart from being sworn in two times he will be nine years in office having served five years in his previous spell as governor. The court accordingly ruled that Sylva was ineligible to contest the governorship election.
To most Bayelsans, Maciver was particularly remembered for his brutality against the people at the height of the militancy that rocked the Niger Delta between 1999 and 2007, after he break jail in Kaduna state and returned to Bayelsa.
To the people of the state, a Sylva / Maciver leadership will simply reenact the sad memory of the brutality that took place while Sylva was governor. It was the period of the notorious Operation Famu Tamgbe, a security outfit set up by the state government to combat insecurity, but ended up terrorizing the people more than the terrorists.
Most disturbing is the rhetoric of Mr. Maciver in the APC campaigns currently going on in the State. Could this be the reason why the national leadership of the party is not participating in the campaign of the party?
Maciver has made it a slogan that they will take government by force in the state which military parlance amounts to a coup. In a recent campaign Twon-Brass Mr. Maciver said “Let’s prepared, on the 11th, if anybody misbehave for Twon-Brass, chase am go enter the sea make him die. Ona dey hear? Chase am make him die. Afterall nobi that person go be the first person to die. So, let’s show them”. Such a man poses a very serious danger to our democracy and should be treated like the fugitive he is.
Very frightening is the debasing of our institutions by some persons we held in high esteem like Major General Barry T. Ndiomu (rtd), the head of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) who hastily wrote a very poorly worded letter to the Secretary to the Federal Government stating that Mr. Maciver was granted amnesty by late President Yar’dua after an initial letter he sent to him that Maciver wasn’t part of the amnesty programme. It is comic for the Nigerian Correctional Centre to write a letter claiming that this unrepentant felon was granted amnesty. Why is Nigeria drifting towards a joke?
A man who should have been declared wanted by the police, arrested and sent back to jail is not even hiding but throwing tantrums and threatening to kill people. Is this the kind of person the Nigerian State and Bayelsa deserves to be rewarded by a political party with such an exalted elective position as d Deputy Governor? Then what message are we sending to our children and the younger generation? That you can commit a crime, go to prison, break jail and be rewarded with an elective position?
For Mr. Sylva to pick him as running mate is a clear case of “show me your associates and I tell you who you are.” In other words, birds of the like feather flock together.
Aside from this, Mr Sylva is constantly and notoriously being accused of the culture of political exclusion. This alienation culture has driven almost all reasonable persons from the APC in Bayelsa State under him.
Therefore, every responsible politician in the APC. That could also the reason why a law-abiding national leadership of the Party is equally reluctant to join his campaign.
The Minister of Petroleum Resources, Senator Heineken Lokpobri has refused to associate with him. So is the former governorship candidate of the party, Mr. David Lyon. Even his former deputy, Chief Werininpre Seibarugu has left the party to return to the PDP.
The jail break case and the breach of the 1999 constitution is certainly another litmus test for the Nigerian Judiciary that has recently been accused of several controversial judgements. The world is also watching.
In the last four years, Bayelsa has made extraordinary political and developmental strides. Economic growth has been steady and the business landscape has been growing. Peace which hitherto eluded the state is manifest to the extent that people can now sleep with their eyes closed.
*Jonathan Orumiebi Andabai wrote from Yenagoa
TIMIPRE SYLVA AND HIS PENCHANT FOR NOTORIETY: LIGHTING IS ABOUT TO STRIKE AGAIN
News
FG Reaffirms Commitment to Strengthening Environmental Governance
FG Reaffirms Commitment to Strengthening Environmental Governance
By: Michael Mike
The Federal Government has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening environmental governance and improving the delivery of internationally funded environmental projects in the country.
The commitment was made on Monday in Abuja as the National Capacity Building Workshop on Project Oversight for the Global Environment Facility (GEF) Operational Focal Point and Implementing Partners commenced.
Declaring the workshop opened, the Minister of Environment, Balarabe Abbas Lawal, described the programme as timely and strategic, noting that Nigeria continues to grapple with a range of environmental challenges, including desertification, plastic pollution, biodiversity loss, oil contamination in the Niger Delta, and the growing impacts of climate change.
The Minister, who was represented by the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry, Mahmud Kambari stressed that addressing these challenges requires not only access to global environmental financing but also strong institutional capacity for effective planning, implementation, monitoring, and oversight of projects.
He acknowledged the Global Environment Facility (GEF) as a long-standing development partner, highlighting its significant contributions to biodiversity conservation, climate change mitigation, sustainable land management, and community-based environmental initiatives across the country, while noting that GEF-supported interventions have helped conserve hundreds of indigenous plant species, promote sustainable forest management, and support renewable energy and energy-efficiency initiatives aligned with Nigeria’s climate action goals.
Lawal further emphasized the role of GEF projects in addressing land degradation and enhancing food security through sustainable agriculture and landscape restoration. He cited flagship interventions that integrate nature-based solutions with livelihood resilience as clear examples of how environmental protection can be linked to socio-economic development.
The Minister also commended initiatives such as GEF GOLD+, which promotes mercury-free artisanal gold mining, and integrated landscape management projects in the Niger Delta aimed at transforming cocoa and palm oil production systems.
In the welcome remarks from the office of the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Environment, the importance of strong project oversight in translating GEF funding into measurable and lasting environmental outcomes was underscored.
The remarks which was read by the Director Planning, Research and Statistics in the Ministry, Agnes Aneke noted that the workshop was designed to strengthen Nigeria’s engagement with the GEF and ensure that stakeholders are fully equipped to manage the country’s project portfolio in line with international best practices.

Aneke also noted that Nigeria has benefited from over three decades of partnership with the GEF, with interventions spanning biodiversity conservation, climate change mitigation and adaptation, land degradation control, international waters management, and the reduction of chemicals and waste. However, he emphasized that funding alone is not sufficient, stressing the need for effective coordination, technical competence, and robust monitoring and evaluation systems.
She said the Nigeria-focused training directly addresses the country’s pressing environmental challenges, including desertification, plastic waste proliferation, oil pollution in the Niger Delta, biodiversity loss, and increasing climate risks, while . explaining that participants would, over the two-day workshop, deepen their understanding of the roles and responsibilities of the GEF Operational Focal Point, implementing agencies, and other stakeholders, while also strengthening skills in reporting, communication, project visibility, and results-based management.
The workshop was organized by the Federal Ministry of Environment in collaboration with the Global Environment Facility, with technical support from the Tropical Biology Association (TBA). It builds on lessons from a recent regional training held in Ghana and is expected to enhance transparency, accountability, and overall performance in the implementation of GEF-supported projects in Nigeria.
Participants were drawn from government institutions, implementing agencies, civil society organizations, and convention focal points were urged to engage actively in the sessions, share experiences, and develop practical oversight strategies that align with Nigeria’s national development and environmental priorities.
The two-day workshop is expected to contribute to improved project performance, stronger partnerships, and more effective environmental interventions across the country.
FG Reaffirms Commitment to Strengthening Environmental Governance
News
Seven dead, five injured in multiple-vehicle crash along Lokoja–Abuja highway
Seven dead, five injured in multiple-vehicle crash along Lokoja–Abuja highway
By: Zagazola Makama
At least seven persons were killed and five others injured on Tuesday morning in a multiple-vehicle collision along the Lokoja–Abuja highway near Gadabiu Village, Kwali Local Government Area of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
Sources told Zagazola Makama that the accident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. when a Howo truck, with registration number ANC 665 XA, driven by one Adamu of Tafa Local Government Area, Kaduna State, lost control and rammed into three stationary vehicles parked along the road.
The affected vehicles included a Golf 3 (GWA 162 KZ), another Golf and a Sharon vehicle.The drivers of the three stationary vehicles are yet to be identified.
The sources said the Howo truck had been travelling from Okaki in Kogi State to Tafa LGA in Kaduna State when the incident occurred. Seven victims reportedly died on the spot, while five sustained various degrees of injuries, including fractures.
The injured were rushed to Abaji General Hospital, where they are receiving treatment. The corpses of the deceased have been released to their families for burial according to Islamic rites.
The police have advised motorists to exercise caution on highways and called on drivers to ensure their vehicles are roadworthy to prevent similar accidents in the future.
Seven dead, five injured in multiple-vehicle crash along Lokoja–Abuja highway
News
How misdiagnosis, narratives are fuelling Nigeria’s banditry escalation
How misdiagnosis, narratives are fuelling Nigeria’s banditry escalation
By: Zagazola Makama
Nigeria’s banditry crisis is no longer escalating simply because armed groups are growing bolder. It is escalating because the country continues to misdiagnose the threat, apply blunt policy tools to differentiated actors, and unintentionally feed a violent criminal economy through ransom payments, politicised narratives and delayed state consolidation.
Across the North-West and parts of the North-Central, banditry has evolved beyond rural violence into a structured, profit-driven security threat. Yet public debate remains trapped between emotional appeals for dialogue and absolutist calls for force, leaving little room for the strategic clarity required to halt the violence.
At the heart of the escalation is money. Banditry today survives on a diversified revenue architecture that includes ransom payments, cattle rustling, illegal mining, arms trafficking, extortion levies on farming and mining communities, and collaboration with transnational criminal networks. Each successful kidnapping or “peace levy” reinforces the viability of violence as a business model.
Data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) in December 2024 underlined the scale of this economy with the North-West accounting for the highest number of kidnap incidents and victims.
Zagazola argue that as long as communities remain unprotected and ransom payments continue as a survival strategy, banditry will regenerate faster than military operations can suppress it. This is not ideology-driven violence at its core; it is cash-flow-driven criminality as every payment funds the next attack.
Another accelerant is Nigeria’s persistent failure to differentiate categories of armed actors. Security assessments increasingly point to at least two distinct groups operating within the banditry ecosystem.
The first consists of low-level, defensive armed actors, often rural residents who acquired weapons after suffering attacks and whose violence is reactive rather than predatory. The second group comprises entrenched, profit-driven bandit networks responsible for mass kidnappings, village destruction, sexual violence, arms trafficking and territorial control.
Yet public discourse and policy responses frequently collapse these actors into a single category of “bandits,” resulting in indiscriminate dialogue offers, blanket amnesty rhetoric or, conversely, broad-brush security operations that alienate communities. This conceptual error, allows high-value criminal leaders to masquerade as aggrieved actors while exploiting negotiations to buy time, regroup and rearm.
Dialogue has repeatedly been applied in contexts where the state lacks coercive leverage. Experiences in Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto and Kaduna states and parts of the North-West show a consistent pattern: temporary reductions in violence following peace deals, followed by rapid relapse and escalation. Officials who participated in the dialogue have openly acknowledged that many agreements collapsed within months.
The negotiations conducted without sustained military pressure, intelligence dominance and post-agreement enforcement mechanisms merely incentivise armed groups to pause tactically. When criminals negotiate from a position of strength, dialogue becomes appeasement.
Perhaps the most dangerous accelerant is the ethnicisation of banditry. Although criminal gangs include actors of identifiable ethnic backgrounds, the violence itself is not driven by ethnic grievance. Nonetheless, selective media framing and political rhetoric like what had been witnessed in Plateau have increasingly cast banditry through identity lenses, particularly in farmer–herder contexts.
This framing obscures the criminal logic of the violence and deepens mistrust between communities that are themselves victims. In Nigeria today, the fulani herdsmen and pastoralists communities are being weaponized and stereotyped as bandits. This dangerous persecution has strengthens bandit recruitment narratives, allowing criminal leaders to cloak profit-driven violence in claims of ethnic persecution or genocide.
Historical records and sociological studies show that Fulani, Hausa, Tiv, Berom and other communities coexisted for decades through complementary economic systems. The breakdown of this coexistence has been exploited by armed groups seeking cover, recruits and informants. Security agencies possess significantly more intelligence on bandit networks than is visible in public debate. Lawful interceptions, human intelligence and post-operation assessments routinely reveal financial motives, supply routes and internal hierarchies within armed groups.
However, public advocacy for dialogue often relies on forest-level engagements that security officials describe as “theatrical performances” by bandits choreographed grievances designed to elicit sympathy and concessions. The disconnect between classified intelligence and public narratives has allowed emotionally compelling but strategically flawed arguments to dominate national discourse.
Another escalation factor is the emerging convergence between bandit networks and ideological terrorist groups as Nigeria’s internal security landscape firmly indicates that what has long been treated as banditry especially in the North-West and parts of North-Central Nigeria has evolved into a hybrid jihadist campaign, driven by Boko Haram (JAS faction) and reinforced by JNIM elements operating from Sahelian-linked forest sanctuaries. Shared arms supply chains, training exchanges and joint operations could transform banditry from criminal violence into full-spectrum insurgency if unchecked. Nigeria’s past experience with Boko Haram demonstrates the cost of dismissing such convergence as isolated or exaggerated.
Military operations have succeeded in degrading bandit camps in several corridors, but the absence of immediate governance has allowed violence to recycle. Clearing operations not followed by permanent security presence, functional courts, reopened schools, healthcare and markets leave vacuums that criminal actors quickly refill. Bandits and other criminals thrive where state authority is episodic rather than continuous. Security victories without governance consolidation merely displace violence spatially and temporally.
Therefore, Nigeria must urgently reset its approach by formally adopting threat differentiation, choking financial lifelines, regulating community defence structures, and ensuring intelligence-led, precise enforcement against high-risk criminal networks. Dialogue, they say, must be selective, conditional and embedded within formal disarmament and reintegration frameworks not deployed as a moral reflex.
Above all, the state must reclaim narrative control by defining banditry clearly as organised criminal violence, not a sociological misunderstanding. As one senior official put it, “Banditry escalates where sentiment overrides strategy. The cure begins with honesty.”
Without that honesty, Nigeria risks allowing a violent criminal economy to entrench itself deeper into the country’s security architecture at a cost measured not just in money, but in lives, legitimacy and national cohesion.
How misdiagnosis, narratives are fuelling Nigeria’s banditry escalation
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