Connect with us

News

TIMIPRE SYLVA AND HIS PENCHANT FOR NOTORIETY: LIGHTING IS ABOUT TO STRIKE AGAIN

Published

on

TIMIPRE SYLVA AND HIS PENCHANT FOR NOTORIETY: LIGHTING IS ABOUT TO STRIKE AGAIN

By: Jonathan Orumiebi Andabai

Lightening, they say, never strikes at the same place twice, but for the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Bayelsa, it appears this saying may not be the case. This is because the party’s candidate in the November 11 governorship election, Mr. Timipre Sylva and his running mate, Mr. Joshua Maciver are both tainted. A situation which forced political analyst in the state to ask: “Why is the APC self-inflicting yet another injury on itself? If that can of worm is opened it will be so toxic that it could extinct the political career of the Okpoma born politician”.

The 2019 gubernatorial debacle which lead to lost of the governorship seems to be unfolding again in even a worse dimension as Sylva has in a most controversial move picked Mr. Joshua Maciver, who was a jailbreaker as his running mate. Mr. Maciver has since confessed to breaking jail while servicing a ten years jail term over multiple felonies. The unrepentant felon has boastfully stated in a video he personally posted that should the situation arise; he will do the same thing again. “I have no regrets” he stated.

For Sylva, it has been established by a Federal High Court in Abuja that his candidature shall amount to a breach of the 1999 constitution should he contest and win the November, 11 2023 Governorship elections. The judgement further stated that apart from being sworn in two times he will be nine years in office having served five years in his previous spell as governor. The court accordingly ruled that Sylva was ineligible to contest the governorship election.

To most Bayelsans, Maciver was particularly remembered for his brutality against the people at the height of the militancy that rocked the Niger Delta between 1999 and 2007, after he break jail in Kaduna state and returned to Bayelsa.
To the people of the state, a Sylva / Maciver leadership will simply reenact the sad memory of the brutality that took place while Sylva was governor. It was the period of the notorious Operation Famu Tamgbe, a security outfit set up by the state government to combat insecurity, but ended up terrorizing the people more than the terrorists.

Most disturbing is the rhetoric of Mr. Maciver in the APC campaigns currently going on in the State. Could this be the reason why the national leadership of the party is not participating in the campaign of the party?
Maciver has made it a slogan that they will take government by force in the state which military parlance amounts to a coup. In a recent campaign Twon-Brass Mr. Maciver said “Let’s prepared, on the 11th, if anybody misbehave for Twon-Brass, chase am go enter the sea make him die. Ona dey hear? Chase am make him die. Afterall nobi that person go be the first person to die. So, let’s show them”. Such a man poses a very serious danger to our democracy and should be treated like the fugitive he is.

Very frightening is the debasing of our institutions by some persons we held in high esteem like Major General Barry T. Ndiomu (rtd), the head of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) who hastily wrote a very poorly worded letter to the Secretary to the Federal Government stating that Mr. Maciver was granted amnesty by late President Yar’dua after an initial letter he sent to him that Maciver wasn’t part of the amnesty programme. It is comic for the Nigerian Correctional Centre to write a letter claiming that this unrepentant felon was granted amnesty. Why is Nigeria drifting towards a joke?

A man who should have been declared wanted by the police, arrested and sent back to jail is not even hiding but throwing tantrums and threatening to kill people. Is this the kind of person the Nigerian State and Bayelsa deserves to be rewarded by a political party with such an exalted elective position as d Deputy Governor? Then what message are we sending to our children and the younger generation? That you can commit a crime, go to prison, break jail and be rewarded with an elective position?
For Mr. Sylva to pick him as running mate is a clear case of “show me your associates and I tell you who you are.” In other words, birds of the like feather flock together.

Aside from this, Mr Sylva is constantly and notoriously being accused of the culture of political exclusion. This alienation culture has driven almost all reasonable persons from the APC in Bayelsa State under him.

Therefore, every responsible politician in the APC. That could also the reason why a law-abiding national leadership of the Party is equally reluctant to join his campaign.

The Minister of Petroleum Resources, Senator Heineken Lokpobri has refused to associate with him. So is the former governorship candidate of the party, Mr. David Lyon. Even his former deputy, Chief Werininpre Seibarugu has left the party to return to the PDP.

The jail break case and the breach of the 1999 constitution is certainly another litmus test for the Nigerian Judiciary that has recently been accused of several controversial judgements. The world is also watching.
In the last four years, Bayelsa has made extraordinary political and developmental strides. Economic growth has been steady and the business landscape has been growing. Peace which hitherto eluded the state is manifest to the extent that people can now sleep with their eyes closed.

*Jonathan Orumiebi Andabai wrote from Yenagoa

TIMIPRE SYLVA AND HIS PENCHANT FOR NOTORIETY: LIGHTING IS ABOUT TO STRIKE AGAIN

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

News

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

Published

on

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

Continue Reading

News

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

Published

on

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

Continue Reading

News

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

Published

on

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

Continue Reading

Trending

Verified by MonsterInsights