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TINUBU’S ALBATROSS

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TINUBU’S ALBATROSS

BY CHRIS GYANG

New Zealand’s immediate past Prime Minister, Jacinta Arden, made history recently when she made the shocking declaration that she would not be seeking re-election and revealed that she would resign by February 7, which she proudly did. The PM had confessed that she was taking that step because she “no longer had enough in the tank” to continue “the most privileged job anyone could ever have.”

That is exactly what President Buhari should have done a long time ago. But in Nigeria, and most other African countries, leaders do not resign from their privileged positions even when, as we are painfully witnessing in Nigeria today, they have glaringly failed and the people are suffering as a result. Despite their shocking failures in the areas of security, poverty alleviation, sustaining federal universities, etc, how many ministers have either voluntarily resigned or even been sacked by Mr. Buhari?

In Nigeria, that January 19 announcement by Arden would have caused Buhari’s kith and kin to curse and shun him forever. This is because, again, in Nigeria, and indeed most of Africa, we see leadership as a position held in trust for your extended family of tribe and religion. You use the commonwealth to enrich members of your little circle. Which is why Tinubu has the confidence to unabashedly announce to the world that it is his turn to rule Nigeria, his overwhelming moral baggage and all. He also said that ruling Nigeria has been his life-long ambition – as if he was some special, providential, gift to the people.

It is this sense of entitlement that got us into this mess in the first place. Buhari, despite his string of failures as military head of state in the eighties, kept insisting to become a democratically elected president to the extent that his fellow core northerners took up his persistent desperation as a moral, religious and tribal crusade that must be won. That was why they threatened brimstone and fire. But when it took him some months to assemble a cabinet, it was very clear that the civilian president had not changed much from the military dictator – in terms of the dexterity to handle the rather complex and delicate ropes of governance.

And eight years later, the country is at a standstill. Not that we were making any appreciable progress before now with rising insecurity, spiralling inflation and poverty, etc, which had contributed to making life a living hell for majority of citizens. Now, Nigerians are caught in the excruciating web of two national tragedies that are but a signature of the Buhari administration’s spectacular wobbling in the last eight years.

We do not need to tell about the bewilderment and total surprise of Nigerians that they have to buy new naira notes at banks and other smaller currency outlets because Buhari’s government had a sudden brain wave and decided to change the colour of some of our currency denominations. Apparently, an afterthought.

Nigerians are gradually coming to terms with the fact that, even at the twilight of his reign, the imperious President Buhari has failed to solve the perennial fuel scarcity bedevilling the country, even as he himself occupies the position of Minister of Petroleum Resources. And our country, which is Africa’s largest crude oil producer, still exports the raw crude and imports the refined products. This, just like sleeping at filling stations to buy petrol, has become a normal way of doing things under Buhari’s watch.

But Nigerians should not forget that Buhari never “had enough in the tank” to begin with. He wanted to be president chiefly because of what we today know as emi lekon – brazenly manufactured and brusquely thrust upon us by the very people who have openly boasted that they single-handedly brought Buhari to power. But they are now joining in our lamentations because, first, it serves their shrivelled political ambitions and, second, they desperately seek to distance themselves from the debilitating stench emitting from the Buhari administration.

But it’s too late. The day of reckoning is almost here. Buhari and Tinubu are akin to Siamese Twins. Therefore, it is impossible for Tinubu to exempt himself of culpability from the current pains Nigerians are being subjected to by the Buhari administration. He is only now trying to distance himself from the glaring failures of Buhari because he has realised that Mr. President has become an albatross on his neck.

And only a few days to the presidential election, it is too late to shake it off. But, certainly, the yoke of suffering under which we are currently sweating can be shaken off, broken, through the ballot.

(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Emails: info@jccri-online.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)

TINUBU’S ALBATROSS

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Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence

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Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence

By: Balami Lazarus

For some time NEWSng has been waving aside the idea of writing on these popular patriotic individuals who are public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers that have taken upon themselves to contribute their quota consistently on radio by holding elected leaders accountable and demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence on the Plateau and in Nigeria at large.

It is interesting to know if a media known for featuring and reporting positive developments should allow such important contributions to our democracy with clear objectives for good governance to go down the drain.

Therefore, these men are like the old English musketeers famous for their bravery and professional acts of protection of kings in medieval Europe. These respected individuals are for the public interest, advocating for good governance at all levels through their voices.

They are public mouthpieces, spokesmen for and on behalf of the public who are always calling the attention of elected leaders to challenges faced by the citizens who voted them into power in the political democracy on the Plateau through some radio programs.

The contributions of these patriotic citizens for holding our leaders accountable for good governance in order to make Nigeria better serve as the lighthouses of our democratic growth and development.

If you were to listen to them, you would agree that they are passionate about good governance/dividends of democracy and peace on the Plateau and in Nigeria. They are not critics; they don’t attack, but their actions and opinions/views are raw and painful but are the truth that cannot be denied because they are necessary for the government and other leaders who need to consider them and begin to act to bring developments for the citizens.

NEWSng decided to limit this work to only five in spite of numerous contributors to the radio programs. Musa Kalu, Ada Onugu, Comrade Dadong Antibas, Hon. Omenaka Jude Sat, and Sadiq Umar, whose voices are the true representations of the grassroots. Their voices are cries of the Nigerian masses for dividends of democracy. Ultimately they are holding democratically elected leaders accountable in the present democratic dispensation.

Speaking to them individually on why they are passionate about holding elected leaders accountable. However, they spoke from different angles of developments. Ironically, they are all on the same page demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence among the Nigerian citizens.

Musa Kalu is always on the path of peaceful coexistence without any sentiments. ‘As a Nigerian, I am for peaceful coexistence, progress, and development. Nigeria belongs to all of us in respect of religion, ethnicity, and geographical location. Hon. Jude Sat said that as a public mouthpiece, they will not close their eyes where the government is not doing the needful. ‘I will continue to speak for a better Plateau and Nigeria and for the future generations.’

These individuals are refined politicians in their own right with a strong political hold on their wards/communities. Reliable sources have it that Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang received bulk votes in Jenta/Apata wards, among other wards in Jos, because of the handiworks of some of the public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers.

On security bedeviling the state and the country at large, they unanimously said that unless and until the government takes decisive actions on the security challenges, there will be no good governance.

Dadong Antibas said, ‘We will continue to speak and hold our leaders accountable at all times. I have received threats, but that has not stopped my voice…. I have been speaking on state and national issues for years.

Furthermore, Sadiq Umar said that citizens of the state have come to confide in them to speak and call the attention of the government and other elected leaders to their plights. Holding our leaders responsible and accountable…is my responsibility, including you.

Attempts to meet and speak with Ada Onugu failed. However, investigations revealed that their voices are meant to check the activities of government and elected leaders on the Plateau. Their hold on their wards/communities as public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers is laudable. Thus, elected leaders and aspiring politicians on the Plateau are beginning to align and key into their popularity at the grassroots.

They all acknowledged the wonderful works of Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang for his efforts in providing dividends of democracy through good governance.

Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence

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Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.

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Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.

By Oumarou Sanou

Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.

Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.

Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”

How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.

Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?

Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.

Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.

Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.

When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.

Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”

This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.

Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.

Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.

And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.

In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.

But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.

Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.

Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.

Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.

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Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy

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Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy

By: Balami Lazarus

I have been for youths’ growth and progress in either trades, vocations, professions, or any other legitimate endeavors that will self-empower them or be contributions to their communities later in life.

Before this write-up, I made several attempts to meet and speak with one of the young politicians on the Plateau, but all my efforts failed. Therefore, I decided to put down what I knew personally about the aforementioned political personality and equally what I was able to gather from investigations about this young politician in question who belongs to the youth gallery of politicians on the Plateau.

These young politicians are educated, energetic, focused, and professionals in their chosen careers. They are full of ideas of good governance, excellent blueprints, and roadmaps to future human and capital developments for progress in the realms of our political democracy with clarity of purpose and objectives that reflects our country’s motto, ‘unity and faith, peace and progress.’

The 1999 phase of our political democracy has ushered in mass numbers of youths into the political space, where they are actively participating in meaningful politicking, aspiring for elective positions under a political party of their choice, but with the passage of time, 25 years down the democratic line, we have seen and experienced the contributions of these young, able politicians with a quantum leap in political activities and contributions. Today you find them some elective positions, some with political appointments at both state and federal levels. Unlike in past years, where it was uncommon to find youths as young politicians occupying elective positions, talk less of political appointments. Rather, they are used as political thugs and later dumped when elections are over.

But here on the Plateau, this new dawn has provided the youths who are purposeful the chance and space to participate and vie for political offices, having fulfilled all necessary requirements. I hereby in this work correctly, sincerely, and truthfully declare and attest as to it as a political affidavit that you can find them in many political elective offices and appointments as council chairmen, secretaries, members of assembly aides, and councillors, to mention but a few.

Moreover, my political findings have clearly revealed that Plateau State is a common ground for youth in politics. And more importantly, it has been a healthy launching pad where many more shall reach higher elective positions.

Hon. (Pharm) Samuel Ishaya Gyang is one among such young politicians on the Plateau that has willingly decided to offer himself to serve his people through politics. Investigations have shown that Samuel Gyang is well accepted by the larger members of his community/constituency—Jos Northwest. And to a larger extent, Pharmacist Gyang has gone beyond the Jos North Local Government Area, where he served as secretary with good political records of performance. ‘We have felt him in the distributions of fertilizers in the local government.’

Political rumors going around said that Hon. Samuel Ishaya Gyang is likely to contest once again for the House of Assembly, Jos Northwestconstituency.

Well, there is nothing bad in that. The political spreadsheet is wide and large enough to contain aspirants. Samuel Gyang, keep up the good work and aspire for other high political offices.

Balami, a publisher/columnist. 08036779290

Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy

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