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Tourism: Stakeholders seek upgrade of Tafawa Balewa’s tomb
Tourism: Stakeholders seek upgrade of Tafawa Balewa’s tomb
Stakeholders in the tourism sector have advocated the upgrade of the tomb of Nigeria’s sole Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to attract more visitors.
Some of the stakeholders who spoke in Bauchi said the mausoleum needed total rehabilitation in line with international standards, to make it more attractive to visitors.
Balewa’s tomb is one of the monuments, heavily patronised by tourists in Bauchi State.
It was declared a national monument on Aug. 29, 1979, by the then military administration.
The construction of the tomb and the building enclosing the grave began in 1977 and was inaugurated in July 1979.
Within the enclosure are a reference library, gallery, mosque and grave of the former Nigerian leader, often referred to as the Golden Voice of Africa.
Balewa was born in December 1912 in Bauchi, and started his education at a Qur’anic school in Bauchi town and later attended Katsina College, now (Barewa College).
On completion of his secondary education in 1933, he returned home and started teaching at the Bauchi Middle School where he rose to the position of headmaster in 1941.
In 1944, Balewa went to the University of London’s Institute of Education, and on his return, he was appointed Inspector of Schools.
His political sojourn started in 1946 when he was elected to the Northern Nigeria House of Assembly, and in 1951 elected as the Vice President of the Northern People’s Congress (NPC).
The party nominated Balewa to Lagos as a Member of Parliament in 1952. He was appointed Minister of Works and Transport in the same year.
In 1957 the NPC won the election with the majority of the MPs and Balewa was elected as Prime Minister.
At independence in 1960, Balewa became the Prime Minister of independent Nigeria and was re-elected in 1964. He was killed alongside other prominent Nigerian leaders during the Jan. 15, 1966 coup.
Mr Mukhtar Baba, a librarian at the mausoleum, said the library and gallery are prone to flooding that submerged the facility during the rainy season due lack of drains.
He said the construction of drains and remedial projects would check perennial flooding in the facility.
The librarian called for the provision of modern gadgets to digitise its operations.
“Provision of IT equipment will transform our operation from analogue to digital which is obtainable across the globe.
“Through digital applications photos and other personal belonging of the late prime minister could be showcased on TV screens and other IT appliances.
“This is imperative to ensure safe keeping and preserve the quality of the items,” he said.
He said it would also enhance awareness creation to educate the people on the facility so as to attract more visitors.
Mohammed Akuyam, a senior tour guide at the tomb, said the edifice was designed to reflect the simple life Balewa lived.
Akuyam said the “darkness greeting visitors’’ at the entrance to the tomb signifies the hardship encountered by Balewa and his colleagues in the struggle to gain independence from the British colonial administration.
He said the light shining through a thin window by the right-hand side after the first darkness, represents rays of hope for the nation to be freed from the colonial administration.
“The second darkness on the corridor to the tomb signifies struggle continues for Nigeria’s independence, while the full brightness illuminating the tomb’s courtyard signifies attainment of Nigeria’s independence in 1960,” he said.
The intercessions on the pathways to the grave reflect the crises and civil disorder that greeted Balewa’s assassination.
On the rough staircase leading to the tomb, Akuyam said, signifies hardship experienced by Nigerians under the colonial administration, while the smooth one symbolises freedom enjoyed after attaining self-rule.
He said: “The colours on the walls of the tomb represent different ethnic groups in Nigeria, and the late Balewa served those interests at heart and tried to unite them as one nation.
“The open roof of the tomb signifies the open-mindedness of the late Prime Minister and the simple life he lived.”
According to him, the tomb is in good condition and records a high number of visitors, especially students who are on excursions to learn and see some of the personal belongings of the late prime minister.
According to the tour guide, visiting the tomb is free, but adult visitors to the exhibition section (gallery) are charged N100 per head and N50 for children.
He disclosed that over 7,000 students from schools across the country visit the tomb annually.
The tour guide also said that 75 students of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPS), Kuru, Jos, were in the study tower at the tomb in September 2021, while 22 foreign students or tourists also visited the tomb last year.
He listed important personalities that visited the tomb including former President Olusegun Obasanjo on July 16, 1999,
Former President Goodluck Jonathan, in September 2011, and former President of the Senate, Ken Nnamani, and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo in May 2022, among others.
Akuyam, however, said that the tomb was renovated in 2012 by the National Commission for Museum and Monuments, while the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) upgraded the gallery.
“All the personal belongings of the late prime minister kept in the gallery are in good condition.
“We have over 20 staff working in the tomb, including guides, cleaners, receptionists as well as auditorium and library personnel.
“The tomb is being managed by the Bauchi State Ministry of Culture and Tourism, while the gallery is under the National Commission for Museum and Monuments,” he said.
Also commenting, Muhammad Yusuf, General Manager, Bauchi State Tourism Board, called for a review of laws governing the control and ownership of the monument to enhance good management of the all-important national asset.
Yusuf said the measure was imperative to fast track upgrade of the tomb to meet international standards, raise tourism potential and attract more visitors.
For his part, Mr Ibrahim Isa, a tourism expert, who corroborated earlier Yusuf, opined that Balewa’s tomb was being maintained effectively by the relevant authorities.
He said the review of the extant laws on such monuments is critical to ensure the protection of tombs of other national heroes.
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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
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