Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa
•How pro-Russian, coup supporting “activists” were exposed, discredited

•Why Nigeria, ECOWAS deployed troops

•Waning democratic governance, a threat to West Africa

By Oumarou Sanou

Shortly after dawn on Sunday, December 7, 2025, Benin’s usually calm capital, Cotonou, woke to the crackle of gunfire. A small group of mutinous soldiers launched a coordinated assault on President Patrice Talon’s private residence in the Guézo district before attempting to seize the presidential palace. Around the same time, another team stormed the national broadcaster, ORTB, where they announced the formation of a “Committee for Military Refoundation” under the little-known Lieutenant-Colonel Tigri Pascal.

Within three hours, the rebellion had collapsed. By 10 a.m., loyalist forces had retaken the palace and reclaimed the broadcaster. At exactly 12:30 p.m., Benin’s Interior Ministry appeared on television to declare the coup “completely defeated.”

The mutineers scattered. Several fled toward the borders. Calm returned. But the significance of the failed coup does not lie in its short duration. It lies in what it revealed.

This was not just the misadventure of a handful of soldiers—it was a case study in how foreign influence, digital manipulation, and democratic fragility intersect to create windows of vulnerability across West Africa.

A Suspiciously Synchronised Disinformation Burst

Even before official channels confirmed what was happening, the online information environment lit up—not organically, but with remarkable coordination.

A chorus of pro-Russian “pan-Africanist” activists, many previously linked to Moscow’s information networks, sprang into action, including Kémi Seba, a prominent figure in Russia’s Africa outreach, who hailed the attack as a “day of liberation,” then quietly deleted the post once the plot was unravelled.

Another was Nathalie Yamb, a Swiss-Cameroonian activist closely aligned with Russia and the Sahel’s military juntas, who spread unverified claims and insinuations. Her silence during the post-election unrest in her own country stood in stark contrast to her sudden interest in Benin.

Additionally, accounts linked to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—a military-led bloc comprising Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso—circulated doctored videos, fabricated images, and claims of “two million protesters” supporting the mutineers.

Recycled footage from old patriotic rallies was falsely presented as real-time mobilisation in Cotonou. This was not random noise. It was an information peration primed for exploitation—one that appeared ready-made and waiting for a trigger.

The speed and uniformity raised serious questions: Were these influencers briefed in advance? Were the AES-linked accounts acting on instructions? And were external actors anticipating a successful overthrow?

Russian Warships and Unanswered Questions

Perhaps the most puzzling development came from the sea. At the exact time the coup attempt was underway, two Russian naval vessels were detected approaching the Port of Cotonou. Witnesses say the ships abruptly turned away once it became clear the coup had failed.

Coincidence? Routine deployment? Something else? No conclusive evidence ties Moscow directly to the putsch. However, as security analysts often note, patterns matter. For instance, pro-Russian influencers quickly championed the coup, AES-aligned accounts amplified disinformation, and Russian ships moved in synchrony with the events.

In the same vein, the coup took place on the eve of a major pan-African meeting in Lomé—a moment of heightened strategic visibility. If not coordination, then convenient alignment.

However, one fact is apparent: the ecosystem that cheered the mutiny was overwhelmingly pro-Moscow.

Benin’s Institutions Held Barely

The most remarkable part of the story is not that the coup happened, but that it failed so quickly.

The Beninese Armed Forces, long regarded as professional and disciplined, remained united. Only a tiny and poorly organised faction joined the mutiny. Command structures held firm. President Talon remained secure under guard.

Public support was also decisive. Citizens came out in defence of the constitutional order. The attempted junta found no social base. This unity was reinforced by rapid signals from regional powers as Côte d’Ivoire alerted troops to stand by for intervention if Benin requested help. Gabon, despite its transitional military government, also indicated readiness to mobilise. Nigeria, as ECOWAS Chair, put regional standby units on alert.

For the first time in recent memory, West African states appeared willing to actively prevent a coup, not merely condemn one after the fact.

Nigeria and ECOWAS React

Fearing a repeat of what happened in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, Nigeria and ECOWAS took immediate and proactive steps to foil the coup with show of force and military deployment.

In response to the directive from President Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a firm statement within hours:

“Nigeria condemns in the strongest terms the attempt to subvert the constitutional order in the Republic of Benin. Any unconstitutional change of government is unacceptable in West Africa. Nigeria stands ready to support Benin in safeguarding its stability, democracy, and territorial integrity.”

In the same vein, the ECOWAS followed with an emergency communiqué:

“The Authority of Heads of State and Government denounces the coup attempt in Benin and reaffirms its zero-tolerance stance on unconstitutional changes of government. ECOWAS urges all member states to strengthen democratic governance, address underlying grievances, and guard against external interference.”

These statements were backed by quiet but real military readiness, as some of the coupists were reportedly bombed and neutralised. The region clearly understood the stakes.

How Fragile Democracies Invite External Interference

The attempted coup exposed uncomfortable truths about West Africa’s democratic health.

Across the region, several trends make coups enticing—or at least easy to justify for populists, extremists, and foreign opportunists —such as the erosion of public trust in elections due to disputed polls, weak institutions, and corruption, which fuels cynicism.

Rising living costs and inequality, where economic hardship provides fertile ground for anti-government mobilisation, often commandeered by foreign-backed narratives. This is exacerbated by the shrinking civic space, where citizens cannot express their grievances peacefully, and unconstitutional actors step in. Then, the failure of regional early-warning systems, particularly within the ECOWAS and AU frameworks, focuses more on punishment than prevention.

Into these cracks enter foreign powers—Russia most aggressively—offering military partnerships, anti-West rhetoric, and propaganda support to coup-friendly actors.

In Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, Moscow-backed networks have reshaped the political environment, helping legitimise military rule under the guise of “sovereignty.”

Benin’s failed coup fits neatly into this pattern of attempted destabilisation—whether Moscow orchestrated it or exploited it.

A Region at a Dangerous Crossroads

The lesson from Cotonou is not one of triumph, but of caution. Benin narrowly escaped a crisis. Another West African state might not.

Suppose governments do not strengthen democratic governance, close civic space gaps, improve economic management, and maintain civilian control over the military. In that case, external and internal opportunists will likely attempt to do so again.

ECOWAS faces its most significant test yet: Can it restore deterrence and democratic credibility after years of failed interventions and weakened institutions?

The answer depends on whether it moves from reactive sanctions to proactive democratic peer review, as some experts have long advocated.

A Final Warning

Benin’s failed coup is more than a contained incident. It is a mirror held up to the region.

The Sahel’s coup contagion was not accidental—it was the result of democratic decay, citizen mistrust, security failures, and foreign manipulation. If these conditions remain unaddressed, West Africa will continue to be a playground for geopolitical proxies and destabilising forces.

Benin survived because its institutions held. But no country in the region today can claim immunity. West Africa must act—urgently, decisively, and collectively—before the next coup succeeds.

Oumarou Sanou, who contributed this report is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa

Burkina Faso’s reckless violation of icao rules over emergency landing exposes AES hostility toward Nigeria

By: Zagazola Makama

The seizure of 10 Nigerian Air Force personnel by Burkina Faso’s military regime after an emergency landing has ignited anger across diplomatic and aviation circles, with experts condemning the move as vindictive, unprofessional, and a direct breach of globally recognised ICAO safety procedures.

The Nigerian C-130 Hercules aircraft, which made an emergency landing in Bobo-Dioulasso on Monday, had already obtained clearance before entering Burkina Faso’s airspace, contrary to AES claims. Aviation sources confirmed that the crew followed all required procedures after encountering an in-flight technical distress, including declaring an emergency and requesting the nearest available runway.

Under ICAO international law, which supersedes regional disagreements, an aircraft facing distress has the unrestricted right to land anywhere, including in hostile territory or active war zones. Emergency procedures clearly state that: Pilots must transmit “MAYDAY” or “PAN-PAN” depending on the severity, all air traffic units must grant priority, maintain radio silence, and provide safe landing guidance, no country is permitted to deny landing rights to a distressed aircraft, regardless of political tension or military status and any obstruction or punishment of an emergency landing is treated as a serious violation of international aviation law.

Yet, despite these established global norms, Burkina Faso’s junta responded with hostility, detaining impounding the aircraft while issuing inflammatory statements through the Confederation of Sahel States (AES).

Multiple diplomatic sources say Burkina Faso’s behaviour was not about airspace violation, but about frustration and anger over Nigeria’s role in foiling the recent coup attempt in Benin Republic. The junta in Ouagadougou has openly aligned itself with regimes in Niger and Mali and views Nigeria-led ECOWAS as an adversary.

Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, having withdrawn from ECOWAS to form the AES, have taken increasingly confrontational postures. The failed coup in Benin Republic would have added a fourth member to their alliance. Nigeria, working with Beninese authorities, helped abort the mutiny, an outcome that allegedly angered Ouagadougou. It was believe this political grievance drove their irrational and provocative treatment of the Nigerian Air Force crew.

Ironically, while Burkina Faso claimed “sovereignty violation,” the Nigerian Air Force and the Nigerien Air Force, both on opposing sides of the ECOWAS–AES political divide continue to operate jointly on the border. Niger and Nigeria have been conducting joint operations against ISWAP in part of North East.
This exposes the immaturity and isolationist attitude of Burkina Faso’s junta, which has adopted a policy of hostility even toward partners with whom they still maintain diplomatic ties.

Despite withdrawing from ECOWAS, Burkina Faso continues to operate its embassy in Nigeria. This makes its hostile action even more illogical and diplomatically inappropriate. If they expect safe operations and immunity for their missions on Nigerian soil, they must uphold reciprocal commitments under international law.

Contrary to AES propaganda, the Nigerian aircraft: had prior clearance, followed ICAO emergency protocols, declared distress, and was compelled to land for safety reasons. Aviation experts noted that aircraft transponders may switch off during emergencies, which is normal and never justifies detention of crew members.

If every country were to behave as Burkina Faso did, global aviation would collapse into chaos. Officials warn that: Burkinabè aircraft could one day face emergencies and require landing in Nigerian airspace. If Nigeria were to apply the same hostile logic, lives could be lost unnecessarily. Aviation safety is built on mutual trust, not political revenge.

A senior aviation specialist described Burkina Faso’s action as: A reckless display of ignorance and political bitterness. Emergency landing protocols are universal. Detaining crew members for saving their aircraft is unacceptable and unlawful.”

Although the Nigerian government has not publicly commented, highly placed sources confirm that quiet diplomatic pressure is being applied at the highest level to ensure the immediate release of the personnel and aircraft.

Burkina Faso’s reckless violation of icao rules over emergency landing exposes AES hostility toward Nigeria

AT PRESIDENT QUATTARA’S INAUGURATION:

** VP Shettima Reaffirms Nigeria’s Commitment To Regional Stability, Peace

** As World Bank hails Nigeria’s reforms, pledges more partnership in energy, job creation, gender empowerment

By: Our Reporter

Vice President Kashim Shettima on Monday witnessed the inauguration and swearing-in ceremony of President Alassane Ouattara for another term in office as President of Côte d’Ivoire in Abidjan, where he reaffirmed Nigeria’s continued commitment to regional peace and stability.

This is just as the World Bank has applauded the reform policies of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, pledging to heighten its partnership with the nation on energy, job creation and gender empowerment initiatives.

At the presidential inauguration that brought together West African leaders and international dignitaries in Abidjan, VP Shettima who represented President Bola Ahmed Tinubu also conveyed the warm congratulations of the Nigerian leader to President Ouattara on his swearing-in.

The inauguration took place at the Presidential Palace, where President Ouattara took the oath of office, pledging to prioritise national reconciliation and economic stability as he begins another term leading the West African nation.

Speaking on behalf of President Tinubu, the Vice President expressed confidence in President Ouattara’s continued leadership and wished him success in his new mandate.

Senator Shettima reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to deepening the strong partnership between both nations and working together to advance peace, stability, security, and prosperity across the West African region.

The Nigerian Vice President noted that both countries will further strengthen their economic ties through agriculture and trade relations.

In his inaugural address, President Ouattara thanked all visiting leaders who came to show solidarity and friendship with the I’voirans, promising to continue to work for the well-being of his citizens and engage more robustly in diplomatic relations for mutual benefits.

Other leaders who attended the event include the Presidents of South Africa, Liberia, Senegal, Gambia, Angola, Ghana amongst others, and former Nigerian President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan.

The United States was represented by a Presidential Delegation led by Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, Jacob Helberg. High-level personalities and delegates from ECOWAS and other nations also graced the occasion.

Meanwhile, the World Bank has applauded the reform policies of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, pledging to heighten its partnership with the nation on energy, job creation and gender empowerment initiatives.

The global financial institution stated this on Monday in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, when Vice President Shettima received in audience the Managing Director, Operations, of the World Bank Group, Ms. Anna Bjerde, on the sidelines of the presidential inauguration.

He told Ms Bjerde that the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, from inception, had to contend with negative impact of the oil subsidy regime on the economic growth of the country, just as he outlined the positive results of the administration’s bold reforms.

The VP further told the World Bank Director that the ongoing tax reforms of the Tinubu administration has yielded positive result, saying “we have crossed the Rubicon.”

He pointed out that though the impact of the reforms may have been painful at the initial stage, it has started showing the dividends, even as he said in order to turn the demographic bulge into demographic dividends, the administration is focusing on gender empowerment initiative, investments in the digital economy and agriculture for enhanced productivity.

The Vice President commended the World Bank team for being supportive to Nigeria.

Earlier, the Managing Director, Operations, of the World Bank Group, Ms. Bjerde, commended Nigeria for taking pragmatic initiatives to position the country on the right path.

Noting that the World Bank is willing to partner more on energy, she said, “First, on energy, we’re stepping up on a number of possibilities to ensure that about four million people are connected.”

Ms. Bjerde also revealed that her group will encourage and enhance upliftment and education of the girl-child in Nigeria.

AT PRESIDENT QUATTARA’S INAUGURATION: