News
Zulum appoints STAs, SSAs, SAs, board members
Zulum appoints STAs, SSAs, SAs, board members
By: Babagana Wakil
Borno State Governor, Babagana Umara Zulum has approved the appointment of Senior Technical Assistants (STA), Senior Special Assistants (SSA), Special Assistants (SA) and Chairmen and members of various boards, agencies, and commissions.
According to the statement released by the secretary to the Borno State Government, Hon Bukar Tijjani, on Saturday night, the appointment comprises the following persons.
SENIOR TECHNICAL ASSISTANTs
- Mohammed Zanna Borkoma – General Services
- Tahiru Shettima – Political
- Mai Yau Adamu – Finance and Economy
- Hajja Fati Gambo Dori – Planning
- Mohammed Umar Lamba – Cabinet
- Usman Abubakar Wakta – Transport and Energy
- Surv. Amsami Alh. Bukar – Land Matters
- Engr. Kolomi Bukar – Equipment and Machinery
- Hon. Umaru Sa’ad Yahe – Local Govt and Emirate Affairs
SENIOR SPECIAL ASSISTANTs
- Baba Kura Alhaji Bukar
- Kachalla Ibrahim
- Abba Jato Lawan
- Babagana Ladan
- Engr. Mahmud Goni Sanda
- Bulama Mustapha
- Bulama Ali Abba
- Hon. Nasir Tijjani
- Hon. Shehu Usman Aliyu
- Bappah Saleh Gaya
- Alh. Abba Chiroma
- Hon. Adamu Kachalla
- Dr. Samaila Garba
- Pictu Hamma
- Rakiya Galadima
- Alhaji Mohammed Hassan
- Yusuf Sawa
- Hajja Ramata Dzivama
- Muktar Yerima
- Hon. Umar Yakubu
- Wakil Mai Azir
- Alhaji Goni Mustapha
- Ibrahim Kolo Gaji
- Babagana Bayamari
- Mustapha Ali Kori
- Modu Alhaji Bukar
- Bukar Zanna
- Alhaji Mohammed Nur
- Ali Sheriff Galgal
- Sadiq Abubakar Gubio
- Alhaji Modu Aisami
- Alhaji Bako Lawan
- Babagana Modu Badu
- Baba Isa Lawan
- Konto Abba Zaji
36 Lawan Bukar Wasaram
37 Mohammed Inuwa
38 Umar Mohammed Bello
39 Zanna Kawuskema
40 Atom Mohammed Tom
41 Usman Alhaji Waziri (Muller)
42 Comrade Lucy
43 Hon. Abba Lawan
44 Modu Tijjani Banki
45 Hon. Abba Sheriff Ajiri
46 Hajja Zara Mohammed
47 Abdullahi Yusuf Kida
48 Alfred Yahaya Bwala
49 Habu Ibrahim
50 Shuaibu Baba Adamu
51 Amadi Md Lawal
52 Alh. Bashir Hassan
53 Dogo M. Shettima
54 Alkali Bukar Isa
55 Alh. Bukar Kolo Kashimri
56 Zanna Lawan Ajimi
57 Dauda G. Mshelia
58 El Lawan Mustapha
59 Hon. Grema Terab
60 Hon. Yakubu Margima
61 Hajja Bintu Tela (Bombi)
62 Amina Kyari
63 Amina Balarabe
64 Hajja Aisha K. Wawa
65 Fatima Mohammed Abbas
66 Hajja Yakura Kyari
67 Hon. Hauwa Sani Magaji
68 Haj. Zainab Shettima
69 Haj. Fatima Shettima
70 Hon. Bala Mohammed Yusuf
71 Hon. Babagana Modu
72 Hon. Abubakar Abdullahi
73 Hon. Mallam Gana
74 Hon. Jidda Aji
75 Hon. Suleiman Abubakar
76 Hon. Gambo Shehu Fandi
77 Hon. Lami Alhaji Kaumi
78 Hon. Abdullahi Aliyu
79 Hamsatu Umar Bolori
80 Hon. Bukar Fari
81 Babagana Alhaji Abdullahi Abadam
SPECIAL ASSISTANTTANTs
1 Barama Amodu Bukar
2 Modu Kagu Banki
3 Modu Gusami
4 Bukar Alhaji Kyari
5 Mohammed Abuna
6 Bishara Musa Lawan
7 Bakura Lawan
8 Mallam Bukar Sadiq
9 Kalali Ibrahim Kalali
10 Bukar Alhaji Zanna
11 Babagana Bukar Mustapha Chilulu
12 Hassan Atom Mohammed
13 Hon. Musa Mohammed Kaleri
14 Sheriff Alajawa
15 Rabiu Alhaji Haruna
16 Zanna Alhaji Shettima
17 Baba Sale Gur
18 Joseph Bulama
19 Tahiru Bakari
20 Alfred Yahaya Bwala
21 Abdullahi Garba Diouf
22 Adamu Hamma Zange
23 Hon. Audu Ali
24 Hussaini Mohammed Buma
25 Dauda Isimiya
26 Mustapha Imam
27 Dahiru Bakare
28 Hon. Zakka Modu
29 Hon. Samuel S. Maina
30 Grema Mallam
31 Garba Lawan
32 Modu Masta Gashigar
33 Bukar Mustapha Kareto
34 Abba Kurama Mustapha
35 Mustapha Mohammed Kukawa
36 Maina Ajimi Lawan
37 Musa Abatcha
38 Ibrahim Alhaji Bukar
39 Abdulkarim Babagana
40 Lawan Modu Ngamma
41 Goni Alhaji Sheriff
42 Ahmodu Kuya
43 Dayi Bulama Alwali
44 Ali Baba Shettima Njine
45 Alhaji Grema Goni Abdullahi
46 Binta M. Azir
47 Musa Mohammed (Mile 90)
48 Hajja Nana Ahmed VIO
49 Ya Chilla Aisami
50 Zainab Abdulkadir
51 Mary Abdulkareem
52 Fati Mohammed Shuwa
53 Allamin Mustapha Alkali
54 Comrade Shettima Umar
55 Mai Buyoma Ngala
56 Sulaiman Mohammed Yero
57 Lawan Shuwa Lawan
58 Hakeem Mohammed
59 Kalli Mohammed Kubti
60 Alhaji Jibir Ahmadu
61 Amina Abba Wajes
62 Fatima Umar Sarki (Celine Dion)
63 Amina Garba Kano
64 Hajja Mairam Abba (Alhaji Maina)
65 Hajja Amina Kashim
66 Fatima Abubakar (Amshuhur)
67 Fusam Ibrahim Imam (Hajja Karu)
68 Yagana Gambo
69 Falmata Abubakar
70 Hadiza Mohammed Ahmed (Hadi)
71 Fati Lawan
72 Hajja Bintu Zanna
73 Hauwa Musa (Hauwa Dogo)
74 Hajja Hauwa Zanna Ali
75 Adama Mohammed Saddam
76 Aishatu Dodo (Shatuwalle)
77 Hajja Inna Kassim
78 Babagana Malari
BOARDS/ AGENCIES AND COMMISSIONS
LOCAL GOVERNMENT PENSION BOARD
01 Honourable Mahmud Lawan Maina – Chairman
02 Wakil Abbas Jilbe – Member
03 Zannah Dalatu Kullima – Member
04 Galdi Garba Shani – Member
URBAN PLANNING BOARD
01 Alhaji Ibrahim Magaji Wala – Chairman
02 Zannah Mustapha (Premier) – Member
03 Hon. Ba’aji Kachalla – Member
BORNO GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SERVICE (BOGIS)
01 Alhaji Zannah Mahdi – Chairman
02 Yagana Abba Gumsu – Member
03 Engr Lawan Umar Grema (Kaga) – Member
04 Barrister Abba Buba Chekene – Member
EDUCATION TRUST FUND
01 Prof Hauwa Biu – Chairperson
02 Lydia Gora – Member
03 Kaka Alhaji Abba – Member
AUDIT SERVICE COMMISSIONION
01 Ibrahim Mohammed Lawalam – Chairman
02 Mohammed Kauje – Member
03 Lawan Gana Mustapha – Member
04 Mohammed Joromi – Member
INVESTMENT PROMOTION AGENCY
01 Bulama Laminu – Executive Secretary
STATE EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT AGENCY (SEMA)
01 Sheriff Bukar – District Coordinator
02 Mada Saidu – District Coordinator
03 Mustapha Kagu – District Coordinator
REVENUE SERVICE BOARD
01 Bukar Lawan – Chairman
02 Hajja Ba’ana A. Modu – Member
03 Barrister Ibrahim Kaigama – Member
BORNO EXPRESS COOPERATION
01 Engr Babagana Moruma – Chairman
02 Zanna Wuroma – Member
03 Hajiya Hauwa Ali Abubakar (Baraka) – Member
04 Shettima Bukar – Member
05 Hajja Yawo Gaji – Member
06 Ali Garba Amvour – Member
07 Mohammed Gaji Kafa – Member
BORNO INVESTMENT COMPANY
01 Alhaji Goni Dunoma – Chairman
02 Ali Kachallah Damasak – Member
03 Rep of Ministry of Trade & Investment – Member
04 Rep of Governor’s Office – Member
05 Rep of Ministry of Justice – Member
06 Rep of Ministry of Finance – Member
HOUSING COOPERATION
01 ESV Mustapha Kori – Chairman
02 Ayuba Bulus Dawa – Member
03 Mamman Zak – Member
04 Suleiman Kamba – Member
05 Hon Kamselem Allamin – Member
06 Alh. Rabi’u Bayo – Member
07 Mahmud Lawan Bakura – Member
08 Jibrin Mohammed – Member
09 Mohammed Lawan Bukar – Member
10 Fatime Umaru Fula – Member
11 Mallam Ali Abubakar Alkali – Member
12 Jiddum Bukar – Member
BORNO STATE DRUGS & MEDICAL CONSUMABLES MANAGEMENT AGENCY
01 Pharmacist Ibrahim Abba Masta – Chairman
02 Rep of Min of Health – Member
03 Rep of Min Justice – Member
04 Rep of HMB – Member
05 Rep of Central Senatorial District – Mallam Grema Gawa – Member
06 Rep of North Senatorial District – Alhaji Bukar Aji – Member
07 Rep of South Senatorial District – Abubakar Adamu Betara – Member
08 Rep of BOSCHIMA – Member
09 Rep of NDLEA – Member
10 Rep of Pharmacy Council of Nigeria (PCN)- Member
11 Rep of Association of Medical Lab Science of Nigeria (AMLSN) -member
12 Executive Secretary – Abubakar Umar Abdulkarim – Secretary of the Board
BORNO STATE SOCIAL INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT PROGRAMME
01 Engr Saleh Yuguda Vungas – Chairman
02 Rep of Min of Finance – Member
03 Rep of Min Women Affairs – Member
04 Rep of Ministry of Justice – Member
05 Rep of Central Senatorial District – Bashir Bulama Wulgo – Member
06 Rep of North Senatorial District – Bunu Kaigama – Member
07 Rep of South Senatorial District – Idrisa A Mbaya – Member
08 Rep of Min of Youth – Member
09 Rep of Min LG Affairs – Member
10 Rep of Min of Agric – Member
11 Rep of Market & Traders – Member
12 Rep of Financial Institutions
13 Rep of Nigeria Police
14 Rep of NSCDC
15 Secretary – Dr Lawan Hamdan Lawan – General Manager
BORNO STATE LIVESTOCK MANAGEMENT AGENCY & OTHER MATTERS
01 Alhaji Mohammed A Dili – Chairman
02 Rep of Min of Finance – Member
03 Rep of Min Women Affairs – Member
04 Rep of Ministry of Justice – Member
05 Rep of Central Senatorial District – Dr Mohammed Bashir – Member
06 Rep of North Senatorial District – Bukar Mustapha – Member
07 Rep of South Senatorial District – Hon Ayamu L Gwasha – Member
08 Rep of Min of Youth – Member
09 Rep of Min LG Affairs – Member
10 Rep of Min of Agric – Member
11 Rep of Market & Traders – Member
12 Rep of Financial Institutions
13 Rep of Nigeria Police
14 Rep of NSCDC
15 Secretary – Dr Bukar Ali Usman – Director-General/Secretary of Board
BORNO STATE INFORMATION, COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY DEVELOPMENT AGENCY
01 Dr. Idris Yelwa – Chairman
02 Dr. Mustapha Tijjani – Member
03 Harami Balami – Member
04 Hon. Zanna Lawan Ajimi – Member
05 Rep. Governor’s Office – Member
06 Rep. Min of Education, Sci, Tech. and Innovation – Member
07 Rep. Min of Justice – Member
08 Nigerian Society of Engineers, Borno State Chapter – Member
09 Nigeria Computer Society, Borno State – Member
10 Standard Organization of Nigeria, Borno Zonal Office – Member
11 Engr. Mohammed Aji Wajiro – Member
12 Mohammed Idi – Member
The statement noted that the appointment was by powers conferred upon the governor by Section 208(2)d of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended.
Hon Bukar Tijjani said Governor Zulum congratulated the appointees, and he looks forward to their contributions to the development of Borno State.
Zulum appoints STAs, SSAs, SAs, board members
News
Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
News
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
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