News
Accessing healthcare: An arduous journey for pregnant women in northwest Nigeria
Accessing healthcare: An arduous journey for pregnant women in northwest Nigeria
By: Michael Mike
In the bustling emergency ward of Jahun General Hospital’s maternity department, the rhythm of activity beats with urgency and determination, like a pulse in the air. In this hospital, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) collaborates with the Jigawa state Ministry of Health to provide comprehensive emergency obstetrics and newborn care and fistula care. Since commencing services in 2008, MSF teams have assisted 90,000 deliveries.
Nigeria is the third country in the world, after South Sudan and Chad, where a woman is most likely to die giving birth, according to the World Health Organisation. With an average of more than 1,000 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births each year, Nigeria is far from the global target for 2030 of less than 70 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births, as set under the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
Maternal mortality rates far exceed the country average in northern Nigeria, where more than half of the country’s estimated 200 million people live. In Jigawa state, the most significant factor is the limited access pregnant women have to antenatal care and delivery care for complications in childbirth, which frequently occur.
Unity Enuebuke, MSF Nursing Activity Manager, has been working in Jahun General Hospital for more than 10 years. “We see a lot of women with serious complications, with the most common ones being anaemia, haemorrhage and eclampsia,” she explains. The high number of patients means the maternity wards are often fully occupied, if not over capacity. Unity says, “We regularly have up to two women sharing a bed, and depending on the type of complications we see, things can escalate very quickly.”
Ramatu
Ramatu, a mother of two, suffered life-threatening eclampsia—seizures due to high blood pressure—when she delivered her first baby in Jahun hospital. This is her second time here, overcoming the considerable distance from home. “I live five hours away from Jahun General Hospital. There is no hospital where I live, and the closest one does not open at night,” she explains. In Jigawa state, many of the estimated 749 primary healthcare centres do not have the drugs, healthcare workers and medical equipment to serve the thousands of women of childbearing age, despite efforts from public health authorities, the current healthcare infrastructure does not come close to meeting the needs of the population.
This dire situation leaves pregnant women who want to attend a healthcare facility with limited choices such as giving birth at home, and if complications arise, embarking on a treacherous journey to try to reach one that is functioning.
It is also not enough that healthcare facilities are available, they must also be affordable. The economic reality in this region, worsened by soaring inflation rates, makes it difficult for people to afford hospital fees, drugs or even transportation to health facilities.
The result is that women become hesitant to go to the hospital, preferring to give birth at home with the help of more affordable traditional birth attendants, hence increasing the risk of experiencing complications.
Khadijah
Women have given birth at home for centuries, but mother’s and baby’s survival can hinge on preparing and planning for managing complications, which may also occur without warning. In Jigawa state, health professionals and facility-based delivery rates remain low with up to around 80% of deliveries occurring at home.
Nurse Unity says, “Most times, family members don’t bring the mother to the hospital until they see that the baby is not coming out and the mother herself is having seizures.”
Khadijah, a 58-year-old traditional birth attendant in Aujara community, Jigawa state, understands the value of hospital care if she can’t manage a complication, but has experienced women’s hesitation firsthand. “Some women take my advice when I say they should go to the hospital, while some refuse to go to the hospital because they say that they are used to giving birth at home.”
In many communities in Jigawa state, pregnant women often require permission from their husband or mothers-in-law to visit hospital. This practice is compounded by a trend of early marriage, at an age when women are not fully informed about pregnancy and are not physically ready to carry a child.
Khadijah explains that for some, “it is their husbands that prevent them from going to the hospital. Some men don’t see the relevance of antenatal care, while others don’t want another man to treat their wives.”
1.
What needs to be done?
To tackle maternal mortality, a multitude of factors must be addressed. State authorities and international organisations must scale up their activities and increase funding to healthcare in the region, ensuring that budget allocations for primary healthcare centres are properly utilised and thorough planning and strict implementation processes are in place. In 2023, MSF teams assisted 15,754 deliveries, performed 1,911 caesarean sections and completed 43,785 antenatal consultations. Yet, it is still a drop in the ocean when looking at the needs of women in Jigawa state.
Primary healthcare facilities, which are often the first point where pregnant women seek healthcare, need to be equipped with trained personnel, equipment and resources to manage childbirth-related complications. “Eighty two percent of the cases we receive at Jahun General Hospital are complicated cases that could have been prevented at the primary healthcare level.” says Abdulwahab Mohamed, MSF medical coordinator. “Women, especially those of childbearing age, also have to be informed about their health and wellbeing through health empowerment programmes led by state authorities or other health stakeholders”.
Pregnant women must be encouraged to go for antenatal care where they can be informed about their pregnancy journey and what to expect. Efforts must be made to mitigate cultural practices that hinder women from seeking care in medical facilities. Women should be allowed agency and given freedom to make decisions for their health.
MSF supports the Jigawa state Ministry of Health in providing comprehensive emergency obstetrics and newborn care. Our support started with vesicovaginal fistula repair in 2008, however, the project evolved into a 161-bed facility to care for pregnant women and newborns experiencing complications. MSF teams also provide maternal and neonatal healthcare in the states of Kano, Benue, Cross River, Zamfara and will open a large maternity hospital in Maiduguri in June 2024.
Accessing healthcare: An arduous journey for pregnant women in northwest Nigeria
News
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
By: Zagazola Makama
Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.
The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.
According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”
No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.
The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.
Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.
Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.
The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.
Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
News
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
By: Zagazola Makama
The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.
What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.
For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.
The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.
While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.
Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.
Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.
In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.
Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.
Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.
However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.
Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.
For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.
The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.
By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.
The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.
Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.
One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.
Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.
The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.
Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.
That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.
The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.
What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.
The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.
Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
News
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
By Comrade Philip Ikodor
KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.
In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.
“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:
Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.
Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.
The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
-
News2 years agoRoger Federer’s Shock as DNA Results Reveal Myla and Charlene Are Not His Biological Children
-
Opinions4 years agoTHE PLIGHT OF FARIDA
-
News1 year agoFAILED COUP IN BURKINA FASO: HOW TRAORÉ NARROWLY ESCAPED ASSASSINATION PLOT AMID FOREIGN INTERFERENCE CLAIMS
-
News2 years agoEYN: Rev. Billi, Distortion of History, and The Living Tamarind Tree
-
Opinions4 years agoPOLICE CHARGE ROOMS, A MINTING PRESS
-
ACADEMICS2 years agoA History of Biu” (2015) and The Lingering Bura-Pabir Question (1)
-
Columns2 years agoArmy University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.
-
Politics12 months ago2027: Why Hon. Midala Balami Must Go, as Youths in Hawul and Asikira/Uba Federal Constituency Reject ₦500,000 as Sallah Gift
