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Nigeria: The Politics of the Hunger Protest and the Wrong Move for the Government’s Attention

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Nigeria: The Politics of the Hunger Protest and the Wrong Move for the Government's Attention

Nigeria: The Politics of the Hunger Protest and the Wrong Move for the Government’s Attention

By: Dr. James Bwala

In the legendary 1955 film Rebel Without a Cause, three middle-class teenagers unexpectedly commit three separate crimes and then claim their acts were due to the fact that they were frustrated with their parental situations. In real life, a rebellion sociology definition refers to when an individual rebuffs goals and means that are accepted by a society and replaces them with goals and means that are not accepted by the society. This claim is corroborated by the definition by Robert K. Merton, which defines rebellion as when an individual replaces goals, as well as means, that are accepted by their society with goals, as well as means, that are not accepted by their society. He also defines rebellion as being more extreme than retreatism.

The August 1–10 announcement of a peaceful protest was like the classical film Rebel without a Cause; in this case, however, I can say, Protest without a Cause. Although the protest was tagged as ‘Hunger Protest’, with a promise of a peaceful movement, the resulting end clearly indicated that more than issues of hunger, the protest has its own agenda to achieve beyond the surface to which it was organized. Political protest is defined as a variety of methods used by individuals and groups to express dissatisfaction with the current political system, often involving mass activism outside of traditional parliamentary channels, such as demonstrations, boycotts, and civil disobedience. What the organizers said is that the protest is going to be peaceful. But what we saw from day one to day five of this protest was the sociology definition in Robert K. Morton’s words: rebellion. 

How can someone explain the sense of burning our national flag and raising the flag of another country or the military flag in democratic settings with a call for military intervention if the real reason behind the protest is hunger? 

Hunger is defined by the United Nations as periods when people experience severe food insecurity, meaning that they go for entire days without eating due to a lack of money, access to food, or other resources. However, what we saw during this period is that hunger is more complicated than empty bellies. It interconnects issues of poverty, inequality, conflict, climate change, gender discrimination, weak government and health systems, etc., all of which play a role in driving hunger. 

From the discussions arising on matters of the protest, the display and interplay of issues give a reflection of the kind of society that we are living in. A society where we have all failed to look beyond ourselves and our contributions to where we are currently living and choose to shift blame is typical of a Nigerian, who sees nothing wrong with his or her action or inaction but dares to condemn the actions of others. I have lived closer to one of the biggest internally displaced persons, the IDP camp in Maiduguri, and I got the figures of persons living at that camp standing at 38,000 in population. More than 12,000 households and that camp called “Bakassi IDP Camp” in Maiduguri gave me an understanding of the definition of hunger by the United Nations. 

I have traveled far and wide in my work as a reporter. I have visited places affected by Boko Haram conflicts and banditry, especially in the Northeast, Northwest, and Central Nigeria. I have visited a few places in the southeast and south-south parts of the country, and I have been home in the southwest part of the country for the last two decades of my journey in the journalism mines field. I have seen the results of poverty and what our protesters tagged as the lead in the 10-day protests as the days count. In all these, I have learned lessons about the resilience of our people in the face of hunger. That hunger is the issue for this protest was something far from the truth, and still, I cannot comprehend why it has to be about the Tinubu administration. This is not about the hunger protest; it is about a political interest, and this is the wrong move to get the government’s attention. 

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Many Nigerians have been brainwashed not to see anything good about the Tinubu administration but hunger and hardship in the land. They have seen nothing in the speech made by the president. They described the speech as empty because, according to them, it did not define what they had expected. Most of them speaking have held government’s offices at certain levels in their careers and have enjoyed government’s scholarship in one way or another. In their own eyes, what they have done or contributed is good enough to position them to criticize the government today. They never see their actions or inaction in the past as contributing to the mass neglect of their duties that informed and brought us to where we are today. 

I have the opportunity to speak with some high-level citizens who share their views and support for the protest. In our discussions, the list of those who supported the protest includes over 30 individuals. Some of them are friends of the president. I believe if they wanted to see the president, they could do so without stress. I do not know why they would stand so far and support or acknowledge the protest when they can easily approach the president and inform or give him advice that can move the nation forward. I could not be convinced, knowing the positions they held in the past, that their voices could not matter at this time and that only by supporting or nodding heads at the protest could they be heard. 

We all know about government: the office, authority, or function of governing. Governing: having control over or ruling over oneself. We all understand governance as the activity of governing. Accordingly, governance is a set of decisions and processes made to reflect social expectations through the management or leadership of the government (by extension, under liberal democratic ideals, the will of ‘the people’ as they rule themselves). There are many issues implicit in this set of relationships whose core revolves around the notion of citizenship, as this defines the body politic over which claims of self-rule apply. 

In the most general sense, we have the difference between a liberal democratic view that the government (state) serves citizens who have a natural claim to services as a benefit and right of citizenship on the one hand and, on the other, the counter-enlightenment view often associated with fascism: that the citizen must serve the state and has no rights other than those granted by the state. In what may be called the American model of citizenship, which, through our system of government practice, is a broadly endowed set of rights representing potential claims for benefits as defined by the state, what constitutes a valid claim by citizens is contested, and then the question of who qualifies to have claims met is debated. This offers us an opportunity to understand a number of pressing issues hotly contested: what is the proper role of government, who should have the right to make claims, how exclusionary or inclusive we should be as a society, how are rights defined and defended, to name but a few. 

It was supposed to be a peaceful protest, as the organizers have told us. But what we saw on the streets on the first of August was nothing short of rebellion. They said it was hijacked, but who hijacked it? In what I saw on the streets, strong young men who do not qualify under the definition of hunger are those on the streets. In what I saw on the streets are young men who are raising another country’s flag other than my country’s flag. What I saw on the streets were the young men who were burning my country’s flag and chanting for military intervention. I ran through the streets and talked to some people within the bracket of hunger as defined by the United Nations; they are the onlookers and those who are praying that this does not escalate to a situation where we could not have a country to call our own because some disgruntled fools are let loose on our streets for political score cards in the name of hunger protest. 

Dr. James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Nigeria: The Politics of the Hunger Protest and the Wrong Move for the Government’s Attention

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Fairness, unity key to victory in 2027, Chieftain tells APC leadership in Adamawa

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Fairness, unity key to victory in 2027, Chieftain tells APC leadership in Adamawa

Abdulrahaman Kwancham, Adamawa Northern Senatorial zone aspirant under the platform of All Progressives Congress (APC) has called on the party leadership in the zone to be fair towards ensuring victory for the party in 2027 General Elections.

Kwancham made the call during a courtesy visit to the party leadership in Mubi-North Local Government Area.

He said fairness and justice would help the party members to remain united and succeed beyond politics.

“We should please remain peaceful and united in APC for the seek of God as well as to shun anti party for the victory of our party”, he said.

He explained that some people were in the party spreading rumours to cause problem between him and Gov. Ahmadu Fintiri because of the seat despite Fintiri is yet to officially declare his intentions to contest.

According to him, he is not desperate in his pursuit of the senatorial seat, despite the several groups coming to urge him to contest.

“If Gov. Fintiri comes out, I am ready to step down considering his outstanding performance in the state.

“Even if you don’t like Fintiri, you know that he has worked for the state and I am not fighting him “, he said.

In his remarks, the party Chairman appreciated the aspirant for the visit and assured a level playing grounds for all.

He assured their readiness to work in accordance with the party guideline for the success of the party.

Kwancham earlier paid homage on the Emir of Mubi, Alhaji Isa Ahmadu who conferred on Kwancham the traditional title of Sarkin Fulani Mubi.

The Emir described the honour as well-deserved, citing Kwancham’s character, leadership qualities, and commitment to humanitarian activities.

Fairness, unity key to victory in 2027, Chieftain tells APC leadership in Adamawa

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2027: APC promises 3.5 million votes for TINUBU in Yobe

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2027: APC promises 3.5 million votes for TINUBU in Yobe

By: Yahaya Wakili

The All Progressives Congress (APC), Yobe state chapter, has promised to deliver 3.5 million votes to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR in the 2027 presidential election.

The president of the 9th Senate, Senator Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan GCON, disclosed to newsmen in a communique issued after a meeting of all APC stakeholders, Yobe State chapter, held at the Banquet Hall of Government House, Damaturu.

He said in the last presidential election, Yobe state had the highest percentage performance in Nigeria, and we intend to repeat the same but with even bigger results, noting that we have, as a small state, produced election results that compete favorably against results from bigger states because of our unity and understanding shown for each other.

The communique further stated that the Yobe State APC chapter has resolved to adopt consensus as a mode of elections to produce its candidates for the governorship, national assembly membership, and state assembly membership that is out of the two modes specified in the electorate act, consensus and direct; the APC has fixed consensus.

“And from our previous experience, consensus has always worked for us in this state in APC, and a candidate that emerges in any position will receive the support of all in this party, including, of course, aspirants who would have wished that were fixed. We support our candidates whenever they emerge.

He said the national members from Yobe State have always worked very closely and harmoniously with the state government, which has always been in APC in the last few years, especially during the Geidam era and, of course, presently with the Rt. Hon. Mai Mala Buni administration, and therefore this will continue because we have always seen the benefit of understanding and supporting each other.

2027: APC promises 3.5 million votes for TINUBU in Yobe

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

By Augustine Osayande, PhD

As Edo South gradually enters the early phase of political alignment ahead of the 2027 senatorial election, it is becoming increasingly evident that the contest will not merely be about personalities, but about the depth of experience, institutional capacity, and the ability to translate political influence into measurable development outcomes.

Among the figures already shaping this emerging conversation is Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, whose name continues to surface consistently in stakeholder consultations and intra-party engagements across the district.

Whether one views him through a partisan lens or a governance-oriented perspective, his presence in Edo South political discourse is neither incidental nor new—it is the product of sustained political engagement spanning multiple electoral cycles and administrative roles.

From my perspective, Ize-Iyamu represents a category of political actors whose relevance is built not only on ambition, but on long-term institutional exposure and embeddedness within the machinery of state governance. This factor alone places him in a distinct position within any serious evaluation of potential senatorial contenders.

Recent engagements across Edo South, particularly within political structures of the All Progressives Congress (APC), indicate an early but deliberate process of consultation and alignment among key stakeholders.

These meetings—often involving local government party leadership, ward representatives, and aspirants—have focused on representation gaps, development priorities, and internal party cohesion ahead of the next electoral cycle.

In one such engagement, an aspirant formally met with APC chairmen across the seven local government areas in Edo South to declare intent and outline a preliminary vision for legislative representation. Discussions reportedly centred on the need for stronger advocacy at the National Assembly and improved coordination between federal presence and local development needs.

Such consultations are increasingly becoming a defining feature of pre-election politics in Edo South, reflecting both the strategic importance of the senatorial seat and the growing awareness among political actors that legislative representation must go beyond symbolic presence.

A central argument in favour of Osagie Ize-Iyamu is his extensive experience within the executive arm of government in Edo State. His service as Chief of Staff between 1999 and 2003, and subsequently as Secretary to the State Government from 2003 to 2007, placed him in positions that are critical to governance coordination and policy execution.

These roles are not peripheral; they are central to the functioning of government. They involve oversight of administrative systems, coordination between ministries and agencies, and direct interface with the governor on policy implementation. This kind of exposure is particularly relevant to legislative duties at the National Assembly, where success is often determined by an understanding of how executive decisions are formulated, funded, and implemented.

In practical terms, senators are expected to do more than debate legislation—they are also required to influence budgetary outcomes, negotiate constituency projects, and engage in complex intergovernmental advocacy. A background such as Ize-Iyamu’s provides a form of institutional literacy that can be difficult to acquire quickly within the legislative environment.

One of the persistent challenges in Nigeria’s legislative system is the gap between representation and effective delivery of constituency benefits. Many legislators enter the National Assembly without prior experience in governance structures, which often limits their capacity to navigate federal bureaucracy.

In this context, Ize-Iyamu’s administrative background becomes a significant factor. His exposure to executive processes equips him with an understanding of how to engage ministries, departments, and agencies, as well as how to position constituency priorities within national development frameworks.

For Edo South, where issues of infrastructure development, youth unemployment, environmental challenges, and industrial underdevelopment remain central concerns, the ability to effectively interface with federal institutions is not merely desirable—it is essential.

Another dimension of Ize-Iyamu’s political profile is his endurance across Nigeria’s often volatile political terrain. Over the past two decades, he has remained an active participant in Edo State politics, navigating multiple party affiliations, electoral contests, and shifting alliances.

While political opponents sometimes interpret this fluidity differently, it also demonstrates a form of adaptability that is increasingly relevant in Nigeria’s coalition-driven political environment. Legislative politics, particularly at the Senate level, is rarely driven by ideology alone; it is shaped by negotiation, alliance-building, and strategic compromise.

In this respect, political resilience is not merely about survival—it is about maintaining relevance, influence, and access to evolving power structures.
Ize-Iyamu’s political career has also been marked by sustained engagement across party lines and political blocs. This has resulted in a network of relationships that extends beyond immediate partisan boundaries within Edo South.

Such networks are often critical in legislative politics, where influence is exercised not only through formal committee structures but also through informal alliances that shape decision-making, funding priorities, and project allocation.

His repeated participation in high-profile electoral contests has further reinforced his visibility at both state and national levels. In practical terms, visibility translates into political leverage, particularly in negotiations involving federal presence and constituency development projects.

Within Edo South itself, questions of equitable representation have increasingly become part of the political discourse. One recurring observation is that certain local government areas, such as Orhionmwon, have not historically held the senatorial seat since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999.

While zoning arrangements are often informal and politically negotiated, such historical imbalances tend to influence stakeholder conversations as elections approach. These considerations add another layer to the broader debate on fairness, inclusion, and regional balance within the senatorial district.

Ultimately, the emerging discourse around the 2027 Edo South senatorial race is beginning to crystallise around a familiar but important dichotomy: experience versus experimentation.

On one side are arguments that emphasise the need for seasoned political actors who understand governance systems, legislative procedures, and federal negotiation dynamics. On the other are calls for generational change and new political approaches.

Ize-Iyamu’s supporters clearly position him within the first category. Their argument is that Edo South requires a representative who does not need time to learn the system, but one who can immediately operate within it to deliver results.

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu remains a significant figure in the evolving Edo South senatorial conversation for 2027, not merely because of political ambition, but because of a combination of institutional experience, political resilience, and established networks of influence.

While the final outcome will ultimately be determined by party decisions, zoning arrangements, and voter preferences, his profile ensures that he remains a central reference point in any serious discussion about Edo South’s representation at the National Assembly.

At its core, the debate is not simply about individuals. It is about the kind of leadership Edo South believes is best suited to navigate the complexities of federal politics and convert representation into tangible development outcomes for the district.

Augustine Osayande contributed this article through austinelande@yahoo.com

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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