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Nigeria’s painful silence and selective outrage that fuels division

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Nigeria’s painful silence and selective outrage that fuels division

By: Zagazola Makama

Three months ago, two Catholic priests Fr. John Igwebueze and Fr. Matthew Eya of the Catholic Diocese of Nsukka, Enugu State were brutally murdered by armed members of the proscribed IPOB/ESN group, widely referred to as “Unknown Gunmen.” Their killers did not hide. They claimed responsibility. There was no ambiguity, no attempt to shift blame, no opportunity to invoke the usual scapegoats. And yet, the country remained disturbingly quiet.

There were no trending hashtags, no loud condemnations from pulpits, no fiery commentaries from activists, and no international calls for inquiries. The Catholic Diocese of Nsukka buried the slain priests quietly without protest marches, vigils, or the global attention that similar tragedies have elicited in the past.

Even the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) has remained silent, offering no statement or call for international attention from Donald Trump or US Senator Ted Cruz since the attackers were not those they wanted to carry out the crimes. They are IPOB. During the burial, most media houses did not amplify the incident because it could not serve as fuel for the usual narratives.

International actors who regularly spotlight religion-related violence in Nigeria remained silent. There were no statements from groups in the United States or Europe. No congressional letters. No tweets from Christian lobby networks. No protests. Why? Because the attackers were not the preferred villains.

Bishop Wilfred Chikpa Anagbe of the Catholic Diocese of Makurdi who is one of the persons at the centre of the row between the United States (US) and Nigeria over alleged genocide against Christians in Nigeria, kept mum about this one.

This silence has once again exposed a painful reality in Nigeria’s narrative landscape: outrage often depends on who the perpetrator is, not on the value of the lives lost.

Ordinarily, the killing of Catholic clergy would spark national outrage. But this time, many of those who typically amplify such tragedies chose silence. The reason is painfully clear: since the perpetrators were not Fulani herdsmen the incident did not fit into the long-maintained narrative of “Christian genocide.”

Some clerics who routinely denounce attacks when they can be linked rightly or wrongly to Fulani herders avoided the subject. Until the burial, No high-profile Christian leaders issued statements.

In recent years, IPOB/ESN elements who are overwhelmingly Christians have carried out hundreds of assassinations, destroyed security formations, attacked civilians, extorted communities, and imposed illegal sit-at-home orders that have crippled the South East economy. Markets, transport systems, schools, farms, and small businesses have been devastated. Many families have been displaced. Yet, the loudest voices in Nigeria’s activist circles, civil society, and religious communities rarely connect these pains to IPOB terrorism. Even if it is glaringly that they committed the crime, they are often labelled as unknown gunmen.

In fact, a recent viral video showed IPOB elements attempting to stage-manage footage to implicate Fulani herders an intentional propaganda move to sustain their preferred narrative.

Meanwhile, evidence shows that extremists and criminals exist in every community Fulani, Igbo, Yoruba, Kanuri, Tiv, and others. While it is true that some Fulani-linked terrorists and bandit groups have committed horrific killings targeting Muslims, Christians, and people of other ethnic background, this does not justify labeling an entire ethnic group as violent. What Nigeria is witnessing today is not just violence it is a moral crisis.

Some people appear emotionally invested in associating crimes with certain groups. They find satisfaction in tragedy only when it confirms their prejudices. They amplify stories only when they can use them to demonize entire communities. And when the narrative does not fit what they want, they remain silent. This selective empathy not only destroys trust; it fuels hatred and deepens divides.

And when we generalize wrongdoing, when we blame millions for the crimes of a few, when we rejoice because a tragedy fits our bias, we become participants in violence psychologically, morally, and socially.

If Nigeria will ever heal, then our outrage must be consistent, our empathy must be unconditional, and our condemnation must be unbiased. We must mourn victims equally.
We must call out terrorists by their names, not by our preferred narratives. We must reject propaganda designed to pit Nigerians against one another. These values are the foundation of a nation that seeks peace, justice, and unity.

Until we abandon selective outrage, Nigeria will continue to bleed, not just from bullets, but from a poisoned conscience.

Nigeria’s painful silence and selective outrage that fuels division

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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