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Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?

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Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?

By Oumarou Sanou

The recent reaction by the Russian Embassy in Abuja to opinion articles published in various media, even though it singled out THISDAY and The Sun, raises a question that should concern every African and especially Nigerians who value democracy: when confronted with uncomfortable facts and legitimate scrutiny, does Russia engage with evidence, or does it attack the messenger?

Rather than addressing the substance of the arguments raised about insecurity in the Sahel and the conduct of Russian-linked mercenaries, the Embassy chose a familiar authoritarian playbook: dismiss the writers as “paid,” question their legitimacy, and attempt to intimidate independent media platforms for publishing alternative views. This response says far more about Russia’s discomfort with free media than it does about the articles themselves.

Let us be clear. The articles in question were not an attack on Russia as a nation or its people. They were a critical examination of documented events in Mali and the wider Sahel—events reported not only by African journalists but also by international organisations, people, conflict monitors, and, ironically, by the mercenaries themselves on their own digital channels. To conflate scrutiny of actions with hostility toward a state is a tactic often used by regimes that fear accountability.

If Russia believes the facts are wrong, the burden is simple: present counter-evidence. Journalism is not theology; it is not immune to correction. Any responsible journalist, academic or analyst will acknowledge an error when credible proof is provided. What is unacceptable is to replace evidence with insults, or to imply that African media, researchers and intellectuals must seek approval before publishing views that do not flatter foreign powers.

The Embassy’s statement also raises an uncomfortable implication: is Russia now openly assuming ownership or responsibility for mercenary operations in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger? If not, why rush to defend them so aggressively? Mercenaries—by definition—are not instruments of sustainable security anywhere in Africa. From Sierra Leone in the 1990s to Libya and now the Sahel, the record is consistent: they deepen violence, weaken national forces, and leave societies more fractured than they found them.

The Embassy insists that reports of abuses are “fake news.” Yet many of the most disturbing confirmations of violence have come from the fighters themselves, shared on verified Telegram channels long before journalists or rights groups referenced them. Are those messages also Western fabrications? Or are we now expected to believe that mercenaries boasting online suddenly become victims of misinformation when their actions attract scrutiny?

More troubling is the attempt to recast legitimate African criticism as foreign manipulation. This is intellectually dishonest. Africans do not need Western scripts to recognise insecurity, repression, or failure when they see it. The worsening security situation in the Sahel is not a theory; it is a lived reality measured in displaced communities, expanding extremist influence, and shrinking civic space. These outcomes deserve examination, not denial.

Nigeria, in particular, must resist any attempt to import external geopolitical quarrels into its public space. This country is sovereign. The media, I must attest, is independent. Nigeria and independent African media: journalists, academics, researchers, and other activists do not exist to please Moscow today or London tomorrow. Their duty is to inform the Nigerian public—especially when developments in neighbouring countries pose security implications. What happens in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso does not stay confined to those countries. Arms flows, extremist movements, and displacement cross borders. Silence would be irresponsible.

Equally important is the question of civic space. In countries now governed by military juntas aligned with Moscow, opposition voices are muted, journalists are harassed, and civil society operates under threat. It secretly disseminates some of these articles that irk Moscow. Independent debate is treated as subversion. It is therefore ironic—if not revealing—that Russian officials appear unsettled that Nigerian media still allows dissenting views to be published. That is not a flaw of our democracy; it is its strength.

The Embassy argues that Russia offers partnerships “without lectures on democracy.” That line may sound appealing to embattled regimes, but Africans should ask a harder question: does rejecting democratic “lectures” also mean rejecting accountability, transparency, and citizens’ rights? History shows that security built on repression is fragile, and sovereignty traded for silence is hollow.

This episode should serve as a reminder of why press freedom matters. Today, it is Russia taking offence. Tomorrow, it could be any other power—Western or otherwise—unhappy with scrutiny. If we allow foreign embassies to police opinion columns in Nigerian newspapers, we will have surrendered something far more valuable than diplomatic goodwill.

Let me be unequivocal: Nigeria, from my experience, welcomes partnerships, not patronage. They welcome dialogue, not intimidation. They welcome facts, not propaganda. The media will continue to ensure that journalists and analysts ask hard questions—about Russia, the West, and our own leaders in the Sahel and across Africa. That is what free societies do.

If Russia has evidence that contradicts the documented realities in the Sahel, it should present it openly, calmly, and transparently. If not, it should respect the intelligence of Africans and the independence of African media.

The real issue here is not wounded pride. It is fear of scrutiny. And history teaches us that those who fear free media usually have something to hide.

Nigeria and Africa must not look away. A free press is not a Western import; it is a democratic necessity. Anyone uncomfortable with that truth is free to respond—but not to silence it.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?

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Why the New IGP Must Protect the Integrity of Police Promotions as Nigerians Are Watching

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Why the New IGP Must Protect the Integrity of Police Promotions as Nigerians Are Watching

…Some Officers Climb the Ladder, Others Take the Elevator….

By: Zagazola Makama

There are many roads to promotion in the Nigeria Police Force. Some are long, winding and filled with hardship. They pass through insurgency-ravaged communities in Borno, bandit-infested forests in Zamfara, kidnapping hotspots in Niger State and dangerous highways where officers routinely place their lives on the line.

Recent revelations published by TheCable have reopened an uncomfortable conversation within the Nigeria Police Force and among members of the public: Is promotion in the Force still governed primarily by merit and institutional procedures, or is proximity to political power becoming an increasingly valuable qualification?

The controversy stems from reports that Femi Gbajabiamila, Chief of Staff to President Bola Tinubu, wrote two separate letters to the Police Service Commission (PSC) requesting special promotion for eight police officers attached to political office holders, including officers attached to the President.

One of the letters, dated February 20, 2026, reportedly contained the names of three officers, while another listed five officers.

The recommendations sought the elevation of one officer from Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) to Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), while others were recommended for promotion from Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) to Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP).

According to the report, the officers were recommended on account of their “exemplary leadership qualities, gallantry, teamwork and general performance.” Nobody disputes that these are admirable qualities.

Indeed, they are precisely the qualities expected of every police officer. Yet that is where the debate begins.

Across police formations nationwide, many officers quietly wonder whether gallantry has suddenly become more visible when displayed within the corridors of power than when demonstrated on the frontlines.

For decades, Nigerian police officers have worked under difficult conditions. Many have fought insurgents in the North-East. Others have pursued armed bandits through forests and mountains. Some have lost colleagues in violent confrontations with criminals. Many have spent years separated from their families while serving in high-risk operational environments.

Yet promotion has traditionally followed a structured process involving service records, examinations, seniority, performance assessments and recommendations through established channels.

That is why the reported intervention by a political office holder has generated concern.
Not necessarily because the officers involved are unqualified. Rather, because many fear the precedent it may establish.

One senior officer, speaking anonymously, observed that if recommendation letters from political offices become an accepted route to accelerated promotion, many officers may begin to reassess what constitutes career excellence.

“The officer risking his life in a remote operational base may start wondering whether his greatest mistake was choosing a dangerous posting instead of a strategic attachment,” he said.

The remark was delivered with humour. Its implications are anything but amusing.

The controversy revolves largely around the provisions of the Police Service Commission Act. Section 6 of the Act clearly assigns responsibility for appointments and promotions of police officers, excluding the Inspector-General of Police to the Police Service Commission.

The same legislation states that the Commission shall not be subject to the direction, control or supervision of any authority or person in the exercise of those responsibilities.

It was argued that while the President may issue directives relating to broad policy matters affecting the Commission, the law was deliberately designed to shield personnel decisions from external influence. A professional police force therefore cannot thrive if promotions become susceptible to political pressure.

This is not merely a legal issue. It is a question of institutional credibility. Every disciplined organisation depends on the confidence of its members. An officer who spends years serving in difficult and dangerous environments must believe that hard work, competence and sacrifice remain the principal pathways to advancement.

Once that belief weakens, morale inevitably suffers. Many retired officers argue that the greatest threat to any institution is not always external. Sometimes it is the gradual erosion of confidence in the fairness of internal processes.

The controversy has also revived memories of a similar debate within the military.

It will be recalled that President Tinubu’s aide-de-camp, Nurudeen Yusuf, reportedly rose from Lieutenant Colonel to Colonel in January 2025 and was subsequently to be elevated to Brigadier-General through what was described as a special presidential promotion. The proposal reportedly generated significant disquiet within military circles before plans for the decoration were shelved.

The latest revelation however, revives questions that have refused to go away.

Are Nigeria’s security institutions drifting toward a culture in which proximity to political power increasingly influences career progression? Or are these isolated incidents being misunderstood? Whatever the answer, perception matters. And perception, rightly or wrongly, is often more powerful than official explanations. The average police officer does not read legal opinions. He observes outcomes.

He watches who gets promoted, how quickly it happens and what circumstances surround the process. If he concludes that some officers are operating on a faster track, resentment may follow. That is why many stakeholders believe the issue deserves careful handling by the new Inspector-General of Police.

At a time when the Force is striving to improve professionalism, discipline and public confidence, few issues are more sensitive than promotion. Every rank earned should command respect. Every promotion should inspire confidence. Every officer should believe that the rules apply equally to all.

This is why many Nigerians believe the new IGP faces a challenge that goes beyond crime-fighting. He must protect the credibility of the promotion system.

He must convince officers that career progression is determined by professionalism, competence and sacrifice rather than access to corridors of power.

Otherwise, the message being sent across the Force may be difficult to ignore. Why spend years chasing criminals in forests when a posting close to political power appears capable of performing miracles for one’s career?

Why endure hardship postings when proximity may be more rewarding than performance?
Such questions may be uncomfortable, but they are increasingly being asked.

The truth is that institutions are weakened not only by corruption or insecurity. They are weakened when their members begin to suspect that rules apply differently depending on who is involved. The Nigeria Police Force cannot afford that perception.

Whether fair or unfair, that perception alone can damage an institution. The new IGP would therefore be wise to remember one important fact. Nigerians are watching. More importantly, police officers are watching.

And in an institution built on discipline and hierarchy, nothing attracts attention quite like a fast-moving elevator in a building where everyone else is climbing the stairs.

Why the New IGP Must Protect the Integrity of Police Promotions as Nigerians Are Watching

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Three Cameroonian Nationals Involved in Boat Mishap in Taraba

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Three Cameroonian Nationals Involved in Boat Mishap in Taraba

By: Zagazola Makama

The Police in Taraba State have confirmed a boat mishap involving three Cameroonian nationals in Takum Local Government Area of the state.

A police source disclosed that information about the incident was received on June 17 by the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) of Takum Division from a good Samaritan.

According to the source, the boat capsized on June 16 while conveying the foreign nationals across a river in the area.

The source said that upon receiving the report, the DPO led a team to the scene to ascertain the situation.

“Preliminary findings revealed that three Cameroonian nationals were on board the boat when it capsized.

“Two of the occupants survived after reportedly holding onto sticks in the river until they were rescued by local residents, while one person remains missing,” the source said.

The sources further stated that representatives of the Cameroonian community had been mobilised to assist in establishing the identities of the victims involved in the incident.

According to the source, residents living along the riverbank are also assisting in efforts to locate the missing person, whose body is yet to be recovered.

The police said monitoring of the situation is ongoing as search efforts continue.

Three Cameroonian Nationals Involved in Boat Mishap in Taraba

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Police Arrest 25 Foreign Nationals Over Alleged Illegal Entry in Lagos

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Police Arrest 25 Foreign Nationals Over Alleged Illegal Entry in Lagos

By: Zagazola Makama

The Police in Lagos State have arrested 25 foreign nationals suspected of entering Nigeria illegally following a report of alleged kidnapping in Ikorodu area of the state.

Source disclosed that the suspects, comprising 19 nationals of Chad and six Cameroonians, were apprehended on June 16 by operatives of the Tactical Creek Sweeper Squad based in Ijede, Ikorodu.

According to the source, the arrest followed a complaint lodged at about 9:00 a.m. by one Konga Delphine, a Cameroonian national, who reported a case of alleged kidnapping to the squad.

The source said that police operatives swiftly mobilised to the reported location, leading to the arrest of the suspects.

“Preliminary investigation revealed that the Chadian nationals were allegedly brought into the country illegally under the guise of attending an evangelical crusade purportedly organised under the aegis of Deeper Life Bible Church.

“The Cameroonian nationals, on the other hand, reportedly claimed they were in Nigeria for network marketing activities,” the source said.

The police further disclosed that the suspects were unable to provide valid travel or residency documents during profiling and screening.

According to the source, all the suspects are currently in police custody while investigations continue to ascertain the circumstances surrounding their entry into the country and their activities.

The police said further updates would be provided as investigations progress.

Police Arrest 25 Foreign Nationals Over Alleged Illegal Entry in Lagos

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