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Binocular: Why weapons are not tolerated inside the business hall of the NUJ during news conferences

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Binocular: Why weapons are not tolerated inside the business hall of the NUJ during news conferences

By: Bodunrin Kayode

Sometimes one wonders when our younger colleagues of the pen will catch up with certain unwritten ideals and expectations of practice when it comes to our dear profession. Unwritten in the sense that we were taught in journalism school that you can learn these only in the field of practice. And we actually tapped from the older ones we met in the field those days. But the same cannot be said about the younger generation.
Their display of Ignorance of their own turf sometimes baffles me and the pertinent question raised above sometimes comes to mind.

The General elections in Nigeria has come and gone but there is so much to worry about our security architecture especially in Borno, north east Nigeria when it comes to the conduct of colleagues and how they protect their own interests, and even their lives. There is too much eye service within the first three estates and it is beginning to rub off on the fourth estate of the realm.

How do you for instance play so much to eye service that you do not know how to control the security people to be weary of weapons inside the chambers of the NUJ? Is anyone above the law that we should allow them enter the main hall of the NUJ with his or her weapons? What if one of them run berserk due to post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and shoots a generation of journalists inside the hall? Are politicians on campaign so fearful of journalists that they cannot come into our chambers without armed men protecting them. Regardless of the fact that we do not have a standing security architecture yet in our one entrance compound, is the Chairman in council not strong enough to protect them? What manner of power show is it that would make them take weapons into the hall in maiduguri to protect their own? Is that the reason why the UN agencies prefer to brief the gentlemen of the media in government house rather than the NUJ whenever they gather themselves around here as they did yesterday?

When hoodlums entered the press Centre in Kaduna not too recently with all manner of weapons and pounced on members while in a news conference with the revered Comrade Shehu Sani, our comrades learnt their lessons In a very hard way. There will surely not be a next time before they put in place a security check to ensure that no one crosses the red line again with any weapon even if he was a security operative from the government house. We as journalists do not carry weapons to protect our selves therefore nobody should be allowed to carry weapons into our halls for news conferences again no matter how highly placed. It must be as sacred as a hospital, church or a mosque were weapons are prohibited beyond the entrance were members assemble for business.As a matter of fact, even horns from cars are forbidden in such places.

During the last general election in Borno, a lot of unprovoked wrongs were meted out on us as a group but because we regard ourselves as gentlemen of the press, we tended to overlook them as friends that would not kill us just like that because they looked quite normal.
The security details of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate in Borno state had no business inside the centre even going to the extent of blocking our two entrances and teaching us how to handle our security. That was a big time wrong to congress and no press Centre anywhere in the country should tolerate it. If anyone would like to endanger the life of a politician its not journalists. We are gentlemen ruled by our ethics. They were supposed to stay outside and wait for the news conference to end before storming back into the centre to check their Principal. You do not carry your so called security drill into the hall of the NUJ anywhere and expect it to fly just because you get away with it inside the government house. Quite all right Jajeri was a Governorship candidate and our friend and I don’t think there was any reason for us to want to harm him to justify any security to bring weapons into our hall to protect him. Your drill does not apply to any of our press centres in the 36 states of the Federal Republic. We are the most peaceful estate of the realm.

The sacredness of the press Centre

I have always been a proponent of colleagues treating the press Centre as our own “barracks” as such ensuring that outsiders accord it the respect it should be given. No smoking of weeds inside and no sniffing of drugs even by friends of colleagues. We also do not want to wait until a security detail from any one who runs berserk one day and begins to spray everyone inside the hall with bullets before we secure ourselves. The press center committee should be able to monitor and ensure that the place is always secured from overzealous security details or hoodlums no matter how highly placed afterwards every registered member knows how to comport himself based on our ethics. It is our carelessness that gave the army boys the freedom to work into our centre and pick one of us like a hawk picking chicken before the scale fell from our eyes and we realized that we must go and get the fellow. They were supposed to see the chairman and make their complaints for him to intervene and not to pounce on members like Chicken before any one of us get to know about it. This cannot happen in the bar centre of the NBA.

As a rider to this, most of you my colleagues were there when I raised that critical issue as a motion for action to a former theatre Commander General Ali while he came in to ponder over and advise his overzealous boys accordingly before they repeat the mistake twice. I told him point blank that we have gone passed the stage where the security operatives will go after journalists as if they are endangered species to be roasted for Sala or Easter. Invite our people if they wrong you and we will march into the barracks and iron out the issues like comrades in arms and pen are supposed to do. That is the ideal that is expected.

Why security details should stop bringing arms to the centre

Even though Vips are allowed into the centre on invitation, no orderly of vips should be allowed to bring his arms into the holiest shrine of the centre and that is the hall where news conferences are held. It’s a big wrong and should never be allowed to happen. That is the standard anywhere in the world and we should not tolerate such arrogance from any of them especially the DSS where some of their trainee boys view themselves as untouchable.
Doing this is completely opposite to the norms of the free press we preach about. And anyone who refuses to comply does not have respect for us as the fourth estate of the realm. Bringing armed details who will be manning our doors for us when we are supposed to man the entrances for ourselves is a way of inviting what happened in Kaduna to Comrade Sani to happen in maiduguri one day and I say God forbid to that. We cannot stand and look at such abominations happen and we let it go because they are guarding a Governorship candidate. If we allow them, the worse may soon be visited on us.

All over the world, arms are not allowed into certain areas for the sake of mutual respect and accordance of status and prestige into the hall. Each time we watch the President of America walk into the hall meant for news conferences, he walks in alone in spite of the fact that he is the most protected human being on earth. Each journalist that is in that hall is well screened before entering the white house. That is the ideal in spite of the fact of whatever fears the intelligence guys may have against us. And Mark you their phones or tablets to work with are not seized from them.
As an aside, you do not run press conferences inside the government house without the chair of the NUJ present for instance. That is a wrong that must be corrected one day.

Binocular: Why weapons are not tolerated inside the business hall of the NUJ during news conferences

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Tinubu commissions Borno’s projects, says Zulum’s performance exceptional

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Tinubu commissions Borno’s projects, says Zulum’s performance exceptional

By: Michael Mike

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Saturday commissioned three newly constructed mega schools and a fleet of 620 fully electric vehicles and tricycles delivered by the governor of Borno State, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum.

During the commissioning ceremony, which was performed separately, President Tinubu commended Governor Zulum for his transformative leadership.

The president said: “I congratulate the Governor and the people of Borno State for this transformation. Government is all about people, and Professor Zulum is doing a very good job of caring for people.” 

The president highlighted the projects as tangible evidence of effective governance and a blueprint for holistic state development.

The commissioned schools include Mafoni Day Secondary School, Bola Ahmed Tinubu Government Day Secondary School and Mafoni Primary School.

They are part of Governor Zulum’s ambitious 104 Mega School Initiative designed to drastically improve access to quality education and rebuild the sector after over a decade of insurgency.

Each of the facilities is equipped with modern classrooms, laboratories, libraries, sports facilities and an administrative complex to create a conducive learning environment.

The president also commissioned the international terminal of the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport, Maiduguri, in preparation for the commencement of international operations.

Governor Zulum, in his response, expressed gratitude for the federal government’s support and reiterated his administration’s commitment to rebuilding Borno’s infrastructure, economy and human capital.

The event was attended by federal and state officials, traditional rulers and community leaders.

President Tinubu concluded his state visit by attending the wedding ceremony of former Borno State Governor Sheriff’s son, conducted at the Maiduguri Central Mosque.

Tinubu commissions Borno’s projects, says Zulum’s performance exceptional

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Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

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Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

By Chukwuemeka B. Eze and Jeggan Gray Johnson

West Africa stands today at a troubling crossroads where democratic aspirations collide with deep geopolitical tensions, failing institutions, and a new wave of military interventions- raising legitimate questions of the region’s democratic trajectory fifty years after its formation. Have we plateaued or plummeted into the age of the erosion of established normative procedures and democratic institutions, or is the regional experiment in a stage of reflection of deeper, ongoing challenges? Are citizens confronting systems that they perceive as imperial impositions and using whatever means available to them to resist? Or are they facing a crisis of democracy itself, a legitimacy crisis stemming from civil rule that often masks authoritarian tendencies? Why are military coups predominantly re-emerging in Francophone countries? Is this a coincidence, or does it reveal unresolved histories of external influence, entrenched political economies or distinctive patterns of state–society relations in these contexts? In whose name and under whose mandate do political elites continue to hold power? Why are we so quick to dismiss the military as being outside of the political system when, in fact, it is an institution shaped by the same social, economic and political dynamics as the rest of society? To what extent does our discourse artificially separate civilians from soldiers, rather than examining the broader governance ecosystem that produces both?

Citizens increasingly find themselves trapped between three unappealing forces—the entrenched culture of ‘electoral despotism’, external imperial influence and internal military domination. The trilateral dilemma has produced a disturbing condition: a choiceless choice, where none of the options seem incapable of delivering stability, dignity, peace and security or even genuine sovereignty.

The Long Shadow of Imperialism: More than six decades after independence, imperial legacies remain deeply embedded in West Africa’s political and economic structures. Former colonial powers continue to exert influence through aid conditionalities, control of extractive industries, military cooperation agreements, and political alliances that safeguard their strategic interests. In countries like Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Benin, resentment toward external interference; particularly from France has grown into a widespread political sentiment.

Economic dependence, currency constraints (such as the CFA franc), and foreign troops stationed on African soil reinforce the perception that the region’s sovereignty remains compromised. This has created fertile ground for anti-imperialist rhetoric, often championed by populist actors and military juntas who exploit these grievances to gain legitimacy.

The Return of Soldiers to Politics: The last decade has seen a resurgence of military takeovers in the region. Coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, representing a largest coup belt in the world, and recently attempted interventions in Benin- a socio-political enigma and Guinea Bissau- the region’s narco-state, reflect a collapse of public trust in democratic systems perceived as kleptocratic, ineffective, and elite-controlled. Many West Africans, frustrated by insecurity, poverty, and government failure, initially welcomed soldiers as “corrective forces.” But military rule often replaces one form of authoritarianism with another and characterised by restricted freedoms, politicized security apparatus, uncertain transition timelines, limited economic vision and opportunity, heavy reliance on foreign military partners (Russia, Turkey, Gulf states) and debt, overshadowed by a youth bulge threatening to burst at the seams. e. Thus, the promise of liberation from imperialism frequently gives way to new dependencies and domestic authoritarianism, and ultimately, policy incoherence, confusion and instability.

The Choiceless Choice: The tragedy is that citizens are forced to choose between very difficult and perhaps inferior alternatives: Imperialism, which undermines sovereignty and reinforces structural inequalities, the electoral despotism- where power remains concentrated within a cabal or small host of elites, and Military rule, which suspends constitutional order and democratic rights. All option addresses the core issues driving instability: weak governance, unemployment, fractured national identities, extremist threats, and the absence of economic diversification. In this vacuum, West Africans face a situation where every available choice feels imposed, not freely made.

The Geopolitical Chessboard: Part of the crisis stems from the region’s growing importance in global geopolitics. West Africa has become a stage for competition among major powers: France and the EU seek to preserve influence, The United States prioritizes counterterrorism, Russia positions itself as an anti-West alternative, China expands via infrastructure loans, and the eventual confiscation of strategic minerals anchored in the blue and green economies, Gulf states and Turkey enter with economic and military interests and the list continues to expand. These competing agendas pull governments in different directions, leaving citizens with little say over the region’s strategic direction.
The Decline of Democratic Credibility: Democracy in West Africa is in crisis not merely because of coups, but because a leadership pandemic. The region has a critical and morally bankrupt leadership. of Manipulated constitutions, electoral fraud, corruption scandals, and impunity have hollowed out institutions. When democratic governments fail to deliver development or justice, the military’s rhetoric of “rescue missions” becomes appealing. Yet these interventions ultimately produce another cycle of disillusionment.

What Real Sovereignty Requires: Breaking this cycle demands a new political imagination—one rooted in African agency, not external dictates or military paternalism. A pathway to genuine sovereignty includes: Strengthening democratic institutions beyond elections, economic independence, especially through value-added industries, regional security cooperation less reliant on external forces, civic education and accountability systems, that are citizenry driven, that restore public trust, as well as a pan-African political consciousness capable of resisting both imperial pressure and internal authoritarianism. The future depends on reclaiming democracy as a tool of liberation, not a façade for elite capture.

Conclusion: West Africa’s tragedy is not that it lacks alternatives, but that the region’s political trajectory has become trapped between two dominant and deeply flawed forces. Imperialism continues to shape its geopolitics and economy, while military rulers exploit public frustration to consolidate power. Together, they create a choiceless political reality where citizens struggle to find a path that protects both sovereignty and freedom. Yet within this crisis lies an opportunity: the chance to articulate a new political vision grounded in bold leadership, accountable governance, and regional solidarity. Reimagining democracy means going beyond periodic elections. It means nurturing institutions that are stronger than individuals and ensuring that power remains accountable to the people. It means prioritizing people’s power over that of statesmen, strengthening judicial independence, fortifying the institutions meant to protect democracy and ensuring that the exercise of power after elections truly serves citizens. Only then can West Africans move beyond the suffocating binary of imperialism and soldiers—and reclaim the right to choose their own future.

Chukwuemeka B. Eze is the Director for Democratic Futures in Africa and Jeggan Grey Johnson, Advocacy Advisor at the Open Society Foundations

Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

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New drug test policy for schools will cut down substance abuse among youth – Marwa

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New drug test policy for schools will cut down substance abuse among youth – Marwa

By: Michael Mike

Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa (rtd) has said that the newly launched drug test policy for schools in Nigeria will discourage illicit substances abuse by young Nigerians especially those aspiring for higher education.

Marwa stated this weekend when he received the Vice Chancellor of the Taraba State University, Professor Sunday Bako who led a team of his management staff to seek partnership with the anti-narcotics agency on the fight against substance abuse and illicit drug trafficking.

The NDLEA boss, said: “We’re glad to work and partner with you, your university and the Taraba state government on this matter and it’s a good thing that what you’re doing aligns with the new national policy for tertiary institutions that includes compulsory and random drug integrity tests for students. This initiative is a joint effort between the Federal Ministry of Education and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) to combat substance abuse among young people in schools across the country.

“At the NDLEA, we have been pushing for this and we’re happy we have a dependable partner in the Minister of Education and members of his team who worked with us and supported us on this. This is not in anyway punitive but a strategic push that will largely discourage our youths from going into substance abuse because they know at every stage of their education, they will face compulsory drug test.

“We are fully prepared to work with all schools to ensure the success of this great initiative that will make positive impact on youth development, security and national productivity in line with the renewed hope agenda of President Bola Tinubu.”

He commended the VC for leading the pack by establishing a full Directorate of Narcotics and Drug Abuse Prohibition in the institution, with a promise to support his efforts through capacity building training and other areas of collaboration.

In his remarks, Bako commended the Marwa leadership of NDLEA for its professionalism, openness and collaborative spirit, which has earned the agency both national and international accolades.

He said: @We are particularly pleased to visit at a time when your excellent and unwavering commitment in the fight against drugs and illicit substances abuse/trafficking earns you another five years of tenure renewal. Your relentless efforts in combatting substance abuse have contributed significantly to protecting our youths and preserving the future of our nation.”

He noted that his visit was borne out of his concern about the challenge of drug and substance abuse among young people, which poses serious threat to academic excellence, moral values, and national development.

The VC said: “This visit seeks to strengthen the relationship between Taraba State University, Jalingo and the National Drug law Enforcement Agency which started way back since 22nd August, 2024 during the inauguration of the Directorate of Narcotics and Drug Abuse Prohibition and the launch of WADA by the NDLEA Taraba state command, as well as the TSU Drug Free Club patrons/officials.

“We firmly believe that effective drug control and prevention require a multi-sectoral approach involving law enforcement agencies, academic institutions, and the wider society.

In this regard, Taraba State University is eager to partner with your agency in areas such as collaborative research on drug abuse and substance use disorder, policy-oriented studies, public enlightenment and sensitization programmes, capacity building training, student internship opportunities, and community outreach initiatives within Taraba state and beyond. Partnership with the NDLEA will further strengthen our institutional policies and programmes in this critical area.”

New drug test policy for schools will cut down substance abuse among youth – Marwa

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