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China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy

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China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy

China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy

By: Olalekan A. Babatunde

This opinion is coming on the heels of the United States’ preparation to host more than 100 participants in the initial “Summit for Democracy” from 9-10 December 2021. World leaders, along with civil society and private-sector representatives will meet virtually in “renewing democracy in the United States and around the world”. According to James M. Goldgeier and Bruce W. Jentleson in the Politico (5 December), “the summit was never a good idea…” While making reference to the January 6 insurrection, attacks on election officials and ongoing systematic efforts by Republicans in a number of states to curtail voting rights, the authors feared that “the U.S. had questionable credibility to position itself as a leading democracy. “

Determining who is suitably democratic to make the list has already created criticisms and tension. Critics are of the opinion that the list seems to divide the world into “good guys and bad guys.” The entire concept of a democracy summit relies on an overly ideological approach to managing the global agenda. For instance, while Hungary and Turkey are not invited, backsliding democracies such as Poland, the Philippines, Brazil, India and Pakistan on the list raised concerns. Their undemocratic practices have grown worse over the past year. Hungary, the only E.U. a member left out, has already said it is excluded and penalized for its closeness to former President Donald Trump.

Just like other genuine observers of the development, China has legitimately argued “the U.S. has no right to monopolize democratic standards to impose its own political system on others and to instigate division and confrontation under the guise of democracy. “ According to its Foreign Ministry spokesman, Zhao Lijian, “democracy is the common value of all mankind and the right of all peoples.”  Of course, he is right. For a country with a feudal history, China has provided leadership in realizing people’s democracy. 

Long before many nations evolved popular sovereignty, freedom and political equality, China has been practicing elective democracy. It was the Communist leader Mao Zedong that introduced New Democracy or New Democratic Revolution, a concept of Bloc of Four Social Classes theory in post-revolutionary China underpinning the fact that democracy in China would take a path that was decisively distinct from that in any other country. Today, China’s version of democracy is consultative, with voting permitted at the very local level and public feedback collected before any law is implemented. 

In the words of John Ross, former director of economic and business policy for the Mayor of London on China’s framework and delivery on human rights and democracy, said China is “ far superior to the West’s”, as China focuses on real improvement of the real conditions of humanity. While dialogue on democracy is necessary, the idea behind the event raises fundamental questions. What should democracy be all about? What should be the normative end of democracy? Whose system is delivering democratic outcomes? Is China a democracy or not? It is important to provide some explanation. 

When the concepts of democracy as a form of government originated in ancient Athens (Greece) circa 508 B.C. none could ever fathom how thousands of years later the Greek system of direct democracy would pave the way for representative democracies across the globe. The point of departure or contention has often been the designations of whether one’s version of democracy is liberal, direct or pure, indirect or representative or electoral. As democracy varies from peoples, regions, religions and cultures, it is important to underscore the fact that every nation has its own system of democracy. 

Whatever it is, nations evolved their own system in line with their socio-economic and political conditions-history, culture, tradition and so on. For example, the Swiss cantons and towns evolved people’s assemblies while the Chinese developed theirs. Also if democracy can be exported, Tunisia where the Arab Spring began and Afghanistan would have been perfect examples. But the effectiveness of governance itself is the yardstick of popular government. Today, socialist democracy has built prosperous China in line with the Chinese characteristics. It is not that China had not experimented with the western parliamentary, multiparty and presidential systems after its 1911 Revolution. But they failed. 

With the founding of CPC in 1921, an illumination towards democracy was born. China is one of the countries that have advanced their own form of democratic rule. This year marks the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and has never stopped pursuing democratic dividends for the people. All along, the Chinese people were at the centre of the struggle. So the end of feudal-autocratic rule gave way for the establishment of a democratic republic. The three decades of political development during the “reform and opening-up” period when socialist democracy and the rule of law were advanced ushered China into a new era.

This is the “Whole-Process People’s Democracy” under the CPC leadership. This sounds all encompassing by integrating process-oriented democracy with results-oriented democracy, procedural democracy with substantive democracy, direct democracy with indirect democracy, and people’s democracy with the will of the state. According to Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng, “China’s whole-process people’s democracy is not the kind that wakes up at the time of voting and goes dormant afterwards.” Also, the State Council Information Office of China says it is a model of socialist democracy that covers all aspects of the democratic process and all sectors of society. Again, it is the people that elect their leaders. There are nine political parties including CPC in China today but a multi-party cooperation system in which CPC exercises state power. These other parties participate fully in the administration of state affairs under the leadership of the CPC. 

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Yet, the CPC under president Xi has reinforced and reformed party politics and government institutions in accordance with democratic norms and rule of law.  There are also active roles being played by think tanks and united fronts at the grassroots level up to national level in the development of democratic governance and the rule of law in China. They engage and educate policymakers, media and the public on policy issues, and thereby help bridge the gap between policymakers and the public. In fact, according to the 2014 Global Go To Think Tanks Index Report, Asia (with China) has 16.71% in the global distribution of think tanks by region while North America has 30.05% and Sub-Saharan Africa 7.06%. 

A few of these reforms are the modernisation of China’s governance system and capacity, strengthening CPC’s overall leadership, managing over 1.4 billion population with 56 ethnic groups, advancing democratic elections, robust and widespread consultations, decision-making, management and oversight, and promoting political stability, unity and vitality. Power is derived bottom-up. That is, from the people or grassroots. Participation and liberty is high. There are local people’s congresses at all levels. Townships, provinces and national levels have congresses where over 2 million representatives are elected in agreement with the Chinese founding fathers and leaders’ vision. All administrative, supervisory, judicial and procuratorial organs of the state are created by the people’s congresses, to which they are responsible and by which they are supervised. The National People’s Congress (NPC) is the highest organ of state power and is controlled by the National Committee. 

Elections in China are extensive and cover all aspects of the country’s political and social life. They include elections to government institutions, villagers and urban residents committees, and employees congresses in enterprises and public institutions. Elections in China are based on equality, and the people’s right to vote and stand for election is fully guaranteed. Each person can cast one vote, and all votes are of equal value. Elections in China are genuine and not manipulated by financial interests. Voters are free to vote for the candidates they trust. The above summary of key democratic organs and processes are enabling China to efficiently and effectively discharge and oversee its day-to-day socio-economic and industrial activities within the country and far beyond. Decision-making procedures and government’s accountability to the people are made easy.

The resultant democratic outcomes for the people are huge.  Some of them are worth mentioning. Besides having successfully tamed the spread of COVID-19 pandemic, China has ended absolute poverty by lifting the last 80 million people. It is a unified multi-ethnic state. The Chinese at the grassroots level, employees at private and public institutions exercise democratic rights. This helps to coordinate the interests of multiple stakeholders, mitigate conflict, and maintain social stability and harmony at the grassroots level. Many successful grassroots experiences and practices have eventually turned into national policies, injecting new vitality into the development of China’s democracy. 

A modern prosperous society with the spate of a few decades is beyond many imaginations in the world. A democracy that wheeled the engine of the 4th industrial revolution has propelled China from the 7th economy to 2nd prosperous economy in the world. A visitor to China can easily decipher democratic ideals and freedom across the country. Many other countries’ nationalities cannot claim to enjoy the kind of freedom the Chinese have. 

Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore once said, “The ultimate test of a political system is whether it improves the standards of living for the majority of people.” China has profoundly proved that democracy can be a tool for human development. It has brought rapid development within the country and around the world. With its presence in over 2/3 of the world through bilateral and multilateral cooperation and trade, China respects other people’s democracy and freedom. It does not interfere with internal politics of the host country.

Therefore, as the democracy summit is exposing the fissures of the world, it is also revealing the weakness in our ability to reckon with other popular governments that are working elsewhere. It also uncovers the hypocrisy in us. We trade and invest in the countries not on the summit list. China’s own model of democracy is worth paying attention to.  Many western scholars, diplomats and media have already paid attention to this type of governance that delivers coherent and long-term outcomes of what a true government should be. True democracy is effective governance that is solving problems but not held by political gridlock, corruption and theatrical distractions. 

Participating in the new discussions on democracy is a welcome one but it should afford others to lay out their successes and failures in democracy.  This is what a genuine meeting on democracy ought to be. The world is in dire need of pragmatic democratic leadership that will pursue peaceful development, protect people’s rights and promote freedom, and help to mitigate the effects of the pandemic and climate change regardless of race, gender, faith and region. As President Joe Biden has said, “Democracy doesn’t happen by accident, we have to defend it, fight for it, strengthen it, renew it.” That was exactly what China has done. They consciously developed their model of democracy, defended it against subversions, and strengthened it with their characteristics. What the people are enjoying now is the fruits of democracy. 

*Dr. Babatunde is a fellow, peacebuilding and evidence practitioner at the Nigeria’s Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, Abuja.

China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

By Augustine Osayande, PhD

As Edo South gradually enters the early phase of political alignment ahead of the 2027 senatorial election, it is becoming increasingly evident that the contest will not merely be about personalities, but about the depth of experience, institutional capacity, and the ability to translate political influence into measurable development outcomes.

Among the figures already shaping this emerging conversation is Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, whose name continues to surface consistently in stakeholder consultations and intra-party engagements across the district.

Whether one views him through a partisan lens or a governance-oriented perspective, his presence in Edo South political discourse is neither incidental nor new—it is the product of sustained political engagement spanning multiple electoral cycles and administrative roles.

From my perspective, Ize-Iyamu represents a category of political actors whose relevance is built not only on ambition, but on long-term institutional exposure and embeddedness within the machinery of state governance. This factor alone places him in a distinct position within any serious evaluation of potential senatorial contenders.

Recent engagements across Edo South, particularly within political structures of the All Progressives Congress (APC), indicate an early but deliberate process of consultation and alignment among key stakeholders.

These meetings—often involving local government party leadership, ward representatives, and aspirants—have focused on representation gaps, development priorities, and internal party cohesion ahead of the next electoral cycle.

In one such engagement, an aspirant formally met with APC chairmen across the seven local government areas in Edo South to declare intent and outline a preliminary vision for legislative representation. Discussions reportedly centred on the need for stronger advocacy at the National Assembly and improved coordination between federal presence and local development needs.

Such consultations are increasingly becoming a defining feature of pre-election politics in Edo South, reflecting both the strategic importance of the senatorial seat and the growing awareness among political actors that legislative representation must go beyond symbolic presence.

A central argument in favour of Osagie Ize-Iyamu is his extensive experience within the executive arm of government in Edo State. His service as Chief of Staff between 1999 and 2003, and subsequently as Secretary to the State Government from 2003 to 2007, placed him in positions that are critical to governance coordination and policy execution.

These roles are not peripheral; they are central to the functioning of government. They involve oversight of administrative systems, coordination between ministries and agencies, and direct interface with the governor on policy implementation. This kind of exposure is particularly relevant to legislative duties at the National Assembly, where success is often determined by an understanding of how executive decisions are formulated, funded, and implemented.

In practical terms, senators are expected to do more than debate legislation—they are also required to influence budgetary outcomes, negotiate constituency projects, and engage in complex intergovernmental advocacy. A background such as Ize-Iyamu’s provides a form of institutional literacy that can be difficult to acquire quickly within the legislative environment.

One of the persistent challenges in Nigeria’s legislative system is the gap between representation and effective delivery of constituency benefits. Many legislators enter the National Assembly without prior experience in governance structures, which often limits their capacity to navigate federal bureaucracy.

In this context, Ize-Iyamu’s administrative background becomes a significant factor. His exposure to executive processes equips him with an understanding of how to engage ministries, departments, and agencies, as well as how to position constituency priorities within national development frameworks.

For Edo South, where issues of infrastructure development, youth unemployment, environmental challenges, and industrial underdevelopment remain central concerns, the ability to effectively interface with federal institutions is not merely desirable—it is essential.

Another dimension of Ize-Iyamu’s political profile is his endurance across Nigeria’s often volatile political terrain. Over the past two decades, he has remained an active participant in Edo State politics, navigating multiple party affiliations, electoral contests, and shifting alliances.

While political opponents sometimes interpret this fluidity differently, it also demonstrates a form of adaptability that is increasingly relevant in Nigeria’s coalition-driven political environment. Legislative politics, particularly at the Senate level, is rarely driven by ideology alone; it is shaped by negotiation, alliance-building, and strategic compromise.

In this respect, political resilience is not merely about survival—it is about maintaining relevance, influence, and access to evolving power structures.
Ize-Iyamu’s political career has also been marked by sustained engagement across party lines and political blocs. This has resulted in a network of relationships that extends beyond immediate partisan boundaries within Edo South.

Such networks are often critical in legislative politics, where influence is exercised not only through formal committee structures but also through informal alliances that shape decision-making, funding priorities, and project allocation.

His repeated participation in high-profile electoral contests has further reinforced his visibility at both state and national levels. In practical terms, visibility translates into political leverage, particularly in negotiations involving federal presence and constituency development projects.

Within Edo South itself, questions of equitable representation have increasingly become part of the political discourse. One recurring observation is that certain local government areas, such as Orhionmwon, have not historically held the senatorial seat since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999.

While zoning arrangements are often informal and politically negotiated, such historical imbalances tend to influence stakeholder conversations as elections approach. These considerations add another layer to the broader debate on fairness, inclusion, and regional balance within the senatorial district.

Ultimately, the emerging discourse around the 2027 Edo South senatorial race is beginning to crystallise around a familiar but important dichotomy: experience versus experimentation.

On one side are arguments that emphasise the need for seasoned political actors who understand governance systems, legislative procedures, and federal negotiation dynamics. On the other are calls for generational change and new political approaches.

Ize-Iyamu’s supporters clearly position him within the first category. Their argument is that Edo South requires a representative who does not need time to learn the system, but one who can immediately operate within it to deliver results.

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu remains a significant figure in the evolving Edo South senatorial conversation for 2027, not merely because of political ambition, but because of a combination of institutional experience, political resilience, and established networks of influence.

While the final outcome will ultimately be determined by party decisions, zoning arrangements, and voter preferences, his profile ensures that he remains a central reference point in any serious discussion about Edo South’s representation at the National Assembly.

At its core, the debate is not simply about individuals. It is about the kind of leadership Edo South believes is best suited to navigate the complexities of federal politics and convert representation into tangible development outcomes for the district.

Augustine Osayande contributed this article through austinelande@yahoo.com

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri 

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Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas

Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri 

Dr. James Bwala

Adamawa State stands at a critical crossroads as it approaches the 2027 governorship election. The choice of leadership will not only determine the trajectory of its development but also reflect the aspirations and hopes of its diverse communities. Against this backdrop, there is a compelling argument for why Adamawa needs a grassroots politician to take the helm after Governor Umaru Fintiri—someone who truly understands the lives, challenges, and ambitions of ordinary citizens. Among the few who embody this ideal is Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas, whose political journey exemplifies genuine grassroots leadership. His experiences and proven commitment to the populace make him an exemplary candidate worthy of leading Adamawa into a future defined by inclusive progress and empowerment.

Grassroots leadership is not merely a political slogan; it is a fundamental paradigm that anchors governance in the lived realities of everyday people. Adamawa, with its rich cultural mosaic stretching from Yola town through the townships of Kubur-sho-sho and the far-flung Ganye, requires a leader who does not govern from lofty pedestals but engages directly and empathetically with constituents. This engagement is essential because grassroots leaders possess an intimate understanding of the socio-economic dynamics at the community level. They are attuned to the concerns of market women striving for economic stability, youths seeking opportunities amid widespread unemployment, and community leaders advocating for improved infrastructure and social services. A politician from the grassroots knows that sustainable development starts with listening and responding to these specific needs rather than imposing top-down policies that may miss the mark.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas’s career vividly illustrates the qualities necessary for such leadership. Beginning his political journey as a media strategist during the Boni Haruna administration, Namdas developed a nuanced grasp of communication and public engagement—skills vital for transparent and effective governance. Yet, his influence extends beyond mere messaging. By contesting for political office and eventually serving in the National Assembly, representing his constituency, he demonstrated unwavering dedication to public service. His tenure saw him champion policies and initiatives that resonated with the very people who elected him, thereby strengthening the bond between government and governed. The recognition of his name—from bustling markets to quiet villages—attests to his accessibility and visibility amongst the grassroots populace, a testament rarely achieved by many politicians today.

Another critical factor underscoring the need for grassroots leadership in Adamawa is the imperative for inclusive development that bridges the urban-rural divide. Historically, the state has grappled with disparities in resource allocation, healthcare, education, and infrastructure, particularly affecting rural communities. A leader rooted in grassroots politics inherently embodies a commitment to equitable growth. They perceive the entire state as their mandate—not just the urban centers but every location where people reside and contribute to the state’s cultural and economic fabric. Dr. Namdas, through his inclusive approach and connection with diverse constituencies, epitomizes this leadership style. His comprehensive understanding of local challenges enables him to advocate effectively for policies that address inequalities and catalyze holistic development.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Moreover, energy and innovation are needed in Adamawa’s leadership to tackle modern challenges such as youth unemployment, insecurity, and economic diversification. Grassroots politicians, steeped in the daily realities of their communities, are uniquely positioned to devise practical solutions anchored in genuine consultations and collaborations. Dr. Namdas’s rapport with youths and market women alike positions him as a catalyst for harnessing local talents and entrepreneurial spirit. His leadership style fosters empowerment rather than dependency, encouraging communities to be proactive participants in their own development. This bottom-up approach ignites sustainable change that survives beyond electoral cycles.

Beyond policy and governance, leadership imbued with grassroots sensibilities strengthens democratic values. It promotes transparency, accountability, and participatory democracy—the pillars upon which strong, resilient societies are built. Adamawa requires a leader who does not view governance as a privilege but a solemn responsibility to serve. The trust and legitimacy that come from being a true man of the people such as Dr. Namdas generate political stability, mitigate conflicts, and cultivate a culture of mutual respect between government institutions and citizens. This is essential for fostering peace and prosperity in a state marked by ethnic diversity and complex social dynamics.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Skeptics might argue that grassroots politicians lack the extensive experience or resources of more established political figures. However, this perspective overlooks the intrinsic value of lived experience and authentic representation. Indeed, leadership detached from grassroots realities risks disconnect, inefficacy, and public disenchantment. Conversely, Dr. Namdas’s blend of strategic political acumen, parliamentary experience, and community engagement presents an optimal fusion of competence and compassion. His trajectory dispels the myth that grassroots engagement is incompatible with high-level governance. Instead, it underscores that effective leadership arises from a profound understanding of people’s everyday struggles coupled with the ability to navigate institutional frameworks.

As Adamawa looks toward the 2027 governorship election, the stakes could not be higher. The state yearns for a leader who can unify diverse constituencies, elevate marginalized voices, and steer transformative development grounded in local realities. The choice is clear: a grassroots politician like Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas embodies the vision, character, and experience necessary to lead with empathy, efficacy, and integrity. His proven track record and deep-seated connection to the people make him not just a candidate but a beacon of hope for Adamawa’s future.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Indeed, Adamawa’s challenges demand a new breed of leadership—one that rises from the soil of grassroots politics, responsive to the needs of all communities within the state. Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas represents this leadership ethos, having consistently demonstrated his commitment to the welfare of his people across various roles. As the state prepares for its next chapter in 2027, electing a grassroots politician who embodies dedication, inclusiveness, and pragmatic vision will be instrumental in achieving sustainable progress. For Adamawa to thrive, it must entrust its destiny to a leader who stands tall not in titles alone but in the hearts and homes of its people. Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas is precisely that leader Adamawa needs in 2027.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja. 

Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri 

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2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket? 

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2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket? 

By: Dr. James Bwala

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) recently concluded its national convention, culminating in the election of David Mark, a prominent northern political figure, as its National Chairman. This outcome has sparked considerable debate and speculation about the party’s internal zoning strategies, especially regarding the 2027 presidential ticket. Central to this discussion are questions that touch on the very core of Nigerian politics: Will the ADC now zone its presidential nomination to the South, as per the unwritten zoning conventions that have largely guided political power distribution in Nigeria? 

If Atiku Abubakar, another influential northern politician, decides to contest the presidency under the ADC banner, which he will as a perpetual candidate, will David Mark step down from his chairmanship to accommodate zoning expectations? The currents of speculation are further fueled by rumors surrounding the ownership of the ADC presidential ticket. Meanwhile, on the opposing side of Nigeria’s political arena, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima stand battle-ready for the 2027 general elections, poised to face any rival. 

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

These unfolding scenarios require astute political navigation by the ADC, which must balance regional dynamics, party cohesion, and electoral competitiveness to meaningfully challenge the well-entrenched political heavyweights. And I asked again, “Who owns the ticket?” 

The significance of zoning in Nigerian politics cannot be overstated. The concept of zoning, an informal arrangement designed to maintain a balance of power among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and regional groups, has traditionally aimed to mitigate feelings of marginalization and foster national unity. Across different political parties, zoning arrangements dictate the rotation of key positions—especially the presidency—between the North and the South. The ADC’s election of David Mark, a northern political stalwart, as National Chairman raises important questions about the party’s commitment to this principle regarding its presidential nomination. Given that the North has produced several recent presidents, including Muhammadu Buhari, many political observers and southern stakeholders expect the next presidential candidate, particularly from opposition parties, to hail from the South. This expectation aligns with broader national calls for fairness and regional inclusivity.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Planning is an important function of management; the ADC can either plan to fail or plan to win in the 2027 political outing. The dilemma now is whether the ADC, by electing a northern chairman, is implicitly signaling a northern hold on the presidential candidacy or whether it intends to adhere to zoning conventions by nominating a southern presidential candidate. The party’s decision in this regard is more than symbolic; it will set the tone for its electoral viability and credibility. Should the ADC nominate another northerner for the presidency, it risks alienating southern voters who may perceive this as an entrenchment of northern dominance. 

Conversely, a genuine zoning commitment to the South would enable the party to strengthen its appeal across regional lines, potentially broadening its support base in preparation for the 2027 elections. Indeed, the balancing act is delicate, as internal party interests often complicate straightforward regional accommodation.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Complicating matters further are the speculations surrounding Atiku Abubakar’s potential presidential ambitions within the ADC. Atiku, a former vice president and perennial presidential aspirant, commands significant influence, particularly in the North. Should Atiku choose to run under the ADC platform, this scenario would present an immediate conundrum vis-à-vis zoning and party leadership roles. If the party’s national chairman—David Mark—also from the North, is maintaining both leadership and presidential candidacy in the same region, this might be perceived as a violation of zoning equity, undermining the party’s coherence and public image. In such a circumstance, political logic and party discipline may compel David Mark to resign or temporarily step aside to enable a fair contest and to respect the spirit of zoning. This would demonstrate political maturity and respect for zoning conventions, thereby enhancing the ADC’s stance as a party that values national integration and equitable power-sharing.

However, politics rarely operates in neat, idealistic frameworks. Both David Mark and Atiku wield considerable political clout, and compromises may be difficult to reach. The ADC must therefore engage in strategic policymaking and consensus-building to manage these personalities and expectations effectively. Failure to manage this tension risks internal fractures that could weaken the party’s position ahead of one of Nigeria’s most consequential general elections.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Another layer to this complex narrative is the question: who currently “owns” the ADC presidential ticket? In Nigerian politics, the notion of “owning” a party ticket often transcends official processes, involving informal agreements, internal lobbying, and political bargaining. Rumors abound that influential figures within the ADC have stakes in the presidential candidacy. Disentangling these claims requires transparency and democratic internal mechanisms within the party. A credible and inclusive primary process that allows aspirants to compete fairly is essential to establishing the legitimacy of the eventual candidate. If the party falls into the trap of conceding the ticket to a single individual or faction prematurely, it risks alienating other stakeholders and undermining collective motivation.

Clear communication from the ADC leadership about the timelines, criteria, and processes for selecting its presidential candidate can help dispel rumors and unify the party’s message. Moreover, the ADC must remain mindful that the Nigerian electorate is increasingly discerning, demanding accountability and fairness from political parties. Demonstrating internal democracy will signal to voters that the ADC is different from the status quo political machinery, potentially heightening its competitive edge.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Yet, even with effective internal arrangements, the ADC faces formidable opposition from established political giants. On the other side of the political spectrum, Bola Tinubu and Kashim Shettima are widely seen as front-runners for the ruling party’s presidential and vice-presidential tickets in 2027. Tinubu, a political strategist with deep-rooted networks, and Shettima, a strategic and respected vice president with considerable regional influence, represent an entrenched political coalition with vast resources and an extensive grassroots structure. This reality means the ADC’s efforts to position itself as a viable alternative must go beyond internal zoning debates; it must articulate a compelling vision and program that resonates with Nigerians across ethno-regional divides.

To challenge Tinubu and Shettima, the ADC will need to leverage its unique positioning and capitalize on public dissatisfaction with the incumbent administration. The party must also use the zoning issue strategically to present itself as a champion of national unity and equitable representation. By successfully navigating internal regional complexities, the ADC can portray itself as a model of political inclusion in contrast to the often divisive politics of established parties.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

There are cracks everywhere within the ADC. Indeed, the ADC’s recent election of David Mark as National Chairman opens a complex but critical chapter in the party’s evolution. Addressing the zoning question concerning the 2027 presidential ticket will test the party’s commitment to national inclusivity and internal democracy. Should Atiku Abubakar pursue the presidency under the ADC, the party faces the additional challenge of reconciling competing northern interests while maintaining the integrity of zoning conventions. The ownership of the presidential ticket remains contested, underscoring the need for transparent and democratic selection processes. 

Ultimately, while Tinubu and Shettima appear ready to dominate the 2027 electoral landscape, the ADC has an opportunity to redefine Nigeria’s political narrative through judicious management of regional dynamics and a unified front. A successful navigation of these challenges will not only enhance the ADC’s electoral prospects but also contribute to strengthening Nigeria’s democratic fabric. It is incumbent upon the ADC leadership and members to act decisively, inclusively, and strategically as they prepare for the political battles ahead. With questions swinging around Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and others in the race for the ticket, there seemed to be a time bomb for the ADC waiting to explode should the party fail to plan. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja. 

2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket? 

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