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China’s Eight-Point Rules And Impacts On Party Politics, Government Conduct

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China’s Eight-Point Rules And Impacts On Party Politics, Government Conduct

By Dr. Bridget Chiedu Onochie

Many people across the world have remained in awe on how China was able to have emerged from the economic doldrums to become a global economic power. However, the simple explanation is that beyond the country’s determination for enhanced living standard as well as the patriotic zeal displayed by the government under the Communist Party of China (CPC), there were certain enforceable norms and policies set down by the government upon which the country thrives.

One of such policies was the Eight-Point Decision on Improving Party and Government Conduct and Building Closer Ties with the People, which was issued at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held on December 4, 2012, chaired by the General Secretary of CPC Central Committee, Chinese President and Chairman, Central Military Commission, Comrade Xi Jinping.

It is pertinent to state that of all the policies that have contributed in launching China among the comity of progressives – technological and industrial giants, the eight-point decision resonates visibly due to its leadership by example peculiarity.

The policy decisions include, doing better research and analysis and truly understanding actual conditions when doing grassroots-level studies; streamlining meetings and improving the way meetings are conducted; making documents and briefing papers more concise and improving writing styles; standardizing procedures for working visits abroad and improving security guard work and continuing to observe the principle of doing what improves relations with the people.

Others are, improving news report; having strict rules on the publication of articles and promoting frugality and the strict observance of rules on incorruptibility in government.
Critically analyzing the eight-point decision buttressed their relevance to daily life and living. There is rarely anything pertaining to good governance that was not touched by the decisions.

For the leadership of the CPC, Party’s conduct is not only crucial to winning the people’s support but also a matter of concern to the Party’s survival or demise. This exactly was the standpoint of the party in a speech delivered at the first meeting of the 18th CPC Central Committee Political Bureau on December 4, 2012, where the
decisions were birthed.

The decision articulated a leadership system and working mechanism for combating corruption. For effectiveness, it established a Party discipline inspection commissions, supervision departments, judiciary and auditing agencies, and have worked with them conscientiously to improve the party conduct, uphold integrity and tackle corruption. It also ensured that in the course of their duties, Party committees at all levels should bear total leadership responsibility for improving Party conduct and building a clean government.

One important lesson of the Eight-Point Decision is the resolve or undertaking by party leadership to improve existing institutions to better fight against corruption;
redouble efforts in political and theoretical education, reinforce stricter Party discipline and respond to the demands of the people.

This would have been drawn from the country’s deep-rooted understanding that corruption is not a victimless crime but that which its costs go far beyond the money and property stolen. Corruption greatly undermines human dignity by depriving citizens of access to basic rights and services, including healthcare, education, justice, and economic opportunities.

Consequently, he eight golden rules placed on the ruling Party, the responsibility of completing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects. The party leadership resolved to be a good blacksmith in forging good tools and since then, members were dedicated to addressing the problems of being “lax, slack and lenient.”

The Four Malfeasances are difficult to eradicate.
Under the Eight-Point decision, the party remained committed to rectifying problems and improving leaders’ conduct including elimination of favourtism and bureaucratic bottleneck, which are two major monsters that tend to frustrate merit and slow down administrative and institutional workflow.

Chinese government considered these two entirely incompatible with the nature, mission and fine conduct of their Party, describing them as the arch enemies of the Party and the people.

They fully understand that combating corruption is the most important political
issue that concerns citizen’s trust and support a fight that must be won, not against the citizens but by leadership first, if sustainable development must be achieved.

Impacts of Eight-Point Rules on Chinese Economy and Lessons for Africa
Since the introduction of the Eight-Point Decision on Improving Party and Government Conduct and Building Closer Ties with the People in 2012, the party leadership was said to have become more robust and effective.

Expectantly, such resolve will dovetail in building a formidable economy and enhancing the living standard of the people.
The decisions prompted a fundamental change in the manner public funds and resources are allocated and utilized, and by curbing extravagance and rent-seeking behaviors, the relationship between government officials and businessmen is sanitized and fosters a more level playing field, which in turn, became a powerful driver for promoting high-quality economic development.

Obviously, the Eight-Point Decision was not just another policy but a commitment to clean governance and a direct response to public concerns about officialdom.

Interestingly, President Xi endeared himself to the world through his actions. In this circumstance, he spearheaded the initiative by playing strictly according to rules, and embodying the spirit of leading by example – setting standards from the top down.

The strict implementation of the eight-point decision provided impetus for a solid foundation for the historic achievements and transformative changes witnessed in China through the efforts of the ruling CPC. It significantly promoted progress in the country’s political, socio-economic and cultural landscapes; strengthening efforts towards building a strong nation and the rejuvenation that is famously known as the Chinese modernization.

Politically, the eight-point decision was instrumental to a major overhaul in the governance of the Party. It has also propelled a revolutionary self-purification within
the Party ranks, safeguarding and enhancing the Party’s advanced nature by sanitizing and bolstering its unity, combating readiness and making Party’s leadership more robust and effective.

On the social front, the decision echoed loudly with the aspirations of both Party members and the general public, having facilitated the resolution of numerous challenges of public concern.

Culturally, the decision equally played a crucial role in thoroughly rooting out the remnants of feudalistic practices and resisted the influence of Western cultures. The revitalized work style within the Party and the government served as a powerful example, leading to insightful positive changes in social customs and public morality and unleashing strong spiritual strength for the advancement of Chinese modernization.

Thus, it was the tangible improvements in official conduct that have earned the sincere support of the people, thereby strengthening the social foundation for the Party’s long-term governance.

For Africa, the great lesson lies in the ability of the ruling party to endeared themselves to the populace through evidence-based performance rather that propaganda. There is no doubt that the amplifying voice of the opposition is often triggered in Africa’s political landscape by poor performance of the party in power. As it is often said, actions sound louder than words.

China’s Eight-Point Rules And Impacts On Party Politics, Government Conduct

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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