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COP29 SURPRISED NO ONEText of CSOs Media Briefing held in Abuja on 4th December 2024 on the outcome of COP29 and the way forward
COP29 SURPRISED NO ONE
Text of CSOs Media Briefing held in Abuja on 4th December 2024 on the outcome of COP29 and the way forward
By: Michael Mike
The Conference of Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) held its 29th session at Baku Azerbaijan on10-24 November 2024. COP29 as it is popularly known was tagged a Finance COP and that raised the hopes of poor, vulnerable nations that finally, climate finance would make sense. They were rightly enthused by the fact that the Loss and Damage mechanism agreed to at COP27 in Egypt was endorsed at COP28 in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). However, optimists forgot that tagging COP27 an African COP did not make it an African COP. That conference was actually the fifth COP held in Africa.
COP29 failed spectacularly on the finance note and the leader of the Nigerian delegation rightly called the minuscule amount offered an insult. We applaud the Director General of the Nigerian Climate Change Commission (NCCC) for her forthright submission.
AMBITIONS GAP
Scientists inform us that 2024 is the hottest year on record. The year has also recorded a high number of disastrous weather events. The fact that climate action requires scientifically derived, binding and distributed emissions reduction cannot be denied otherwise the trend will persist. The UNFCCC core justice basis is the Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR). This principle requires that the rich and highly polluting nations who contributed disproportionately to the stock of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere must own up to their historical responsibility, cut emissions at source and provide finance to help the vulnerable nations that have not contributed to the problem at any significant level.

This principle was essentially turned on its head when the Copenhagen Accord outcome of COP15 held in December 2009 signaled the ascendancy of voluntary emissions reduction by every nation — polluters and non-polluters. That outcome gave rise to the so-called Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) plank of the Paris Agreement. Nations need to show high levels of ambition in terms of emissions reduction if the world is to experience temperature levels within the limits set by the Paris Agreement. This has not happened.
EMISSIONS GAP
Emissions Gap reports issued by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in 2023 and in 2024 clearly show that if nations carry out their NDCs, the world would experience temperature increases far above the 1.5C and 2.0C targets set by the Paris Agreement.
The latest Emissions Gap report shows that if countries continue with their current policies, the world stands a 90 per cent chance of hitting a temperature increase far above 3.6C or 3.4C if they carry on with unconditional NDCs and 3.0C with conditional reductions.
Nations carry on as if we are not living in an emergency even though the Emissions Gap report came out just before COP29. When we consider the impacts of weather events being currently experienced at 1.1C above preindustrial levels, it is not difficult to see that the world is already in injury time.
FINANCE GAP
The so-called finance COP was shy of mentioning how much the rich polluting nations would contribute to help vulnerable nations adapt and build resilience to the scourge. The figures were literally kept to the dying hours of the conference and was eventually rushed through to the disappointment of many.
Talks of loss and damage and other instruments of climate finance became largely muted. In their place emerged a contentious concept of New Collective Quantified Goals (NCQG) – a new mechanism requiring that everyone contributes to the finance pot in the same thought pattern that birthed the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC), the hallmark of voluntary emissions reduction according to convenience.
We recall that at COP15 in 2009 the pledge was to pay $10bn dollars yearly from 2010 to 2020 and raise that to $100bn from 2020. Those targets never materialized. The New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) was presented as a means of raising funds needed to support mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage in developing and climate-vulnerable countries, found mostly in the Global South. The amount needed was put at a minimum of $1.3 trillion annually, although civil society analysts put the climate debt at $5-8 trillion annually.
COP 29 came up with a miserly $300 billion which would come into effect in 2035. The COP clearly ignored the call of vulnerable nations and global civil society and Indigenous peoples for rich and historically responsible nations to Pay Up and to do so in Trillions not Billions.
When the COP deferred the date for providing needed funds to 2035 there doesn’t appear to be any consideration of the scale of the climate disasters that the world may be facing then. It has also been estimated that the $300 billion would be worth just $175 billion by then using current inflationary trend.
Another concern is that even the promised $300 billion may come through so-called innovative financial sources that include loans and would increase the already huge debt burdens of the poor countries.
Climate finance can readily be raised by redirecting funds from military expenditure that saw rich nations spend up to $2.4 trillion in 2023. Halting fossil fuel subsidies and holding polluters accountable would raise more than $5 trillion annually. So, the problem is not a lack of cash, but a matter of priority.
FALSE SOLUTIONS
COP29 opened with the COP president gaveling through mechanisms to operationalize carbon markets and other market-based mechanisms under Article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement. Parties formally adopted a decision text for Article 6, that formally set the stage for a global expansion of carbon markets, entrenching false solutions and deepening climate injustice.
Carbon markets provide a lifeline for polluters and fossil fuel companies who could now buy the license to continue polluting. It was a triumphant season for the over 1770 contingent of fossil fuel lobbyists, who ensured that attention drifted from ending the primary cause of climate change and elevated false solutions instead. This fossil delegation was larger than the combined delegations of the 10 most climate-vulnerable nations.
We are concerned that the new opening to carbon markets and mechanisms will divert funds to false solutions such as carbon capture and storage, geoengineering, carbon offsets, carbon credits, biodiversity credits, and other market-based schemes that perpetuate climate chaos, and violate the rights of Indigenous peoples.
CARBON COLONIALISM
Already the African continent is exposed to not just mere land grabs but a continent grab. Some countries have mortgaged their forests to carbon speculators with some ceding up to 10 and 20 percent of their total land mass. In Nigeria there is a rise of speculators grabbing hundreds of thousands of mangrove forests to enable the so-called investors trade in blue and other colors of carbon. States being enticed to fall into this web include Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River and Niger. A particularly worrisome note is the plan of Niger State to give 16% of its land mass to a Brazillian meat packaging company which will inevitably have dire socioeconomic-economic as well as climate consequences.
WAY FORWARD
- We call for community-led solutions to halt pollution at the source, ensure sovereignty of our peoples over their forests, water bodies and general territories.
- We demand the recognition by rich, polluting and industrialized nations, of a climate and ecological debt they owe and payment of same. This debt is estimated at an annual rate of $5-8 trillion and its payment will end the squabbles over climate finances whose targets are set but are never pursued or met.
- We call for an end to false solutions and demand the halting of emissions at source by urgently phasing out fossil fuels. Communities and nations that have kept fossil fuels in the ground should be recognized as climate champions and duly compensated for such actions. The people of Yasuni in Ecuador, Ogoni in Nigeria, Lofoten in Norway and others have shown the way.
- We demand an urgent clean up of areas polluted by fossil fuel exploitation and provision of clean renewable energy to energy poor communities.
- Nigeria and other African countries should place a ban on geoengineering experimentations, including solar radiation management, ocean fertilization, rock weathering and others.
- We denounce false solutions and market-based mechanisms that include carbon offset schemes, carbon removals and others.
- The energy and other transitions must promote human rights and be inclusive of gender responsive efforts with communities duly integrated in the decision making processes.
- Countries who do not support fossil fuels phase out should be barred from hosting the COP, and polluters should not be kept out of the COP.
- Real street marches and protests should not be hindered on the Global Days of Action during the COP as has been the case at recent conferences.
- COP30 should be a truly peoples’ COP where voices of youths, women, indigenous and impacted communities take centre stage.
- Loss and Damage should be fully addressed under the concept of Climate Debt.
- Massive Investment in Just Transition through a non-extractive model, prioritizing community-driven solutions such as agroecology that address the intersecting crises of climate and social inequity.
- We call for the recognition of the Rights of Nature in the negotiations, rejection of the commodification of nature and protection of our forests and biodiversity.
- We call for investment in peace building, not war and genocide.
News
FG Moves to Stem Human Trafficking, Irregular Migration as Over 1,000 Nigerians Return from Crisis Routes
FG Moves to Stem Human Trafficking, Irregular Migration as Over 1,000 Nigerians Return from Crisis Routes
By: Michael Mike
The Federal Government on Tuesday unveiled a renewed strategy to curb irregular migration and dismantle human trafficking networks, warning that worsening economic hardship and the growing use of digital platforms by traffickers are exposing more Nigerians, particularly women and young people, to exploitation across Africa, the Middle East and Europe.
The renewed commitment came as the government and its international partners marked the fifth anniversary of the Comprehensive Protection, Reintegration and Assistance to Migrants and Communities (COMPASS) Programme, revealing that more than 1,000 stranded Nigerians have voluntarily returned from countries including Libya, Lebanon, Morocco, Mali, Egypt, India and the United Arab Emirates, while over 900 vulnerable returnees have received psychosocial care, healthcare and livelihood support to rebuild their lives.
Stakeholders warned that trafficking syndicates are becoming increasingly sophisticated, exploiting technology, poverty and unemployment to lure desperate Nigerians into dangerous migration routes where many end up trapped in forced labour, sexual exploitation and other forms of abuse.

Speaking at the anniversary event, the Chief of Mission of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in Nigeria, Sharon Dimanche, said migration itself was not the problem but the absence of safe and legal pathways.
She said: “Migration is not the problem. The challenge is ensuring that migration is safe, orderly and regular, while protecting the dignity of every migrant.”
Dimanche said the COMPASS Programme had significantly strengthened Nigeria’s migration governance architecture by improving policies and institutional coordination while placing the protection of migrants at the centre of migration management.
Highlighting the programme’s impact, she recounted the story of “Joy”, a Nigerian woman trafficked abroad and subjected to severe exploitation before returning home traumatised.
According to her, through IOM’s psychosocial support and reintegration programme, Joy rebuilt her life, established a fashion business and now employs several young women.
“Joy is no longer defined by what happened to her. She is defined by what she has become,” Dimanche said, describing the story as evidence that effective reintegration can transform survivors into productive members of society.
The Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Dr. Bernard Doro. reaffirmed the Federal Government’s commitment to protecting returning migrants, refugees, internally displaced persons and vulnerable communities.
He said the government’s “One Humanitarian, One Poverty Reduction” framework under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda was designed to integrate humanitarian assistance with long-term poverty reduction.
“Migration, when properly managed, presents opportunities for national development. We will continue to strengthen institutions, expand livelihood opportunities and ensure that returning migrants are empowered to rebuild their lives with dignity.”
The Minister of Women Affairs and Social Development, Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim, who was represented at the event, by the Director and Special Adviser Administration, Mrs. Erimfolami Ola, warned that women and children continue to bear the greatest burden of irregular migration and human trafficking.
According to her representative, the ministry has worked closely with partners under the COMPASS Programme to facilitate the voluntary return of over 1,000 stranded Nigerians while strengthening institutional responses to trafficking and forced displacement.
She stressed that interventions in Edo State had demonstrated that addressing poverty and unemployment significantly reduces the factors driving irregular migration.
Representing the Minister of Youth Development, Ayodele Olawande, represented by the the Head of Youth Migration and Climate Action Resilience, pecial Adviser (Administration), Adedoyin Oyekan, said creating sustainable opportunities for young Nigerians remains one of the most effective responses to irregular migration.
The ministry pledged to deepen collaboration with IOM and development partners in expanding entrepreneurship, skills acquisition, innovation and employment programmes aimed at discouraging dangerous migration.
Also speaking, the Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Nigeria, Bengt van Loosdrecht, announced plans for a football-based youth initiative that would equip young Nigerians with coaching and life skills while educating communities about the dangers of irregular migration.
He said the programme would empower participants to become community ambassadors for safe migration.
According to the ambassador, “Migration is fundamentally a human issue. Through COMPASS, we are investing not only in stronger institutions but also in protecting people, supporting survivors and preventing others from falling into the hands of traffickers.”
Van Loosdrecht explained that the Netherlands established the COMPASS Programme to consolidate migration support into a coordinated framework capable of providing survivor care, mental health services, institutional strengthening and protection for vulnerable migrants.
Also addressing the gathering, the Director-General of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), Binta Bello, described the COMPASS Programme as one of Nigeria’s most strategic partnerships in the fight against human trafficking.
She said the initiative had strengthened the agency’s capacity to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases through specialised training for investigators and prosecutors while improving support for victims.
Warning that trafficking networks continue to evolve, Bello said: “Traffickers are adapting to technology, exploiting economic hardship and taking advantage of the aspirations of vulnerable young Nigerians. We must therefore strengthen partnerships among government, international organisations, civil society and communities to stay ahead of these criminal networks.”
The renewed commitment comes amid persistent concerns over the thousands of Nigerians who, in recent years, have embarked on perilous journeys across the Sahara Desert and the Mediterranean Sea in search of better economic opportunities. Many have perished, while others have been rescued from detention camps, trafficking rings and exploitative labour conditions abroad.
Stakeholders at the event agreed that while stronger law enforcement remains essential, tackling poverty, unemployment and social vulnerability is critical to addressing the root causes of irregular migration and sustaining Nigeria’s fight against human trafficking.
FG Moves to Stem Human Trafficking, Irregular Migration as Over 1,000 Nigerians Return from Crisis Routes
News
MSF Ends Kano Diphtheria Emergency Mission After Vaccinating 835,000 Children
MSF Ends Kano Diphtheria Emergency Mission After Vaccinating 835,000 Children
By: Michael Mike
The humanitarian medical organisation, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF)/Doctors Without Borders, has concluded its three-year emergency response to the devastating diphtheria outbreak in Kano State after supporting the vaccination of more than 835,000 children, describing immunisation as the key factor behind the sharp decline in infections.
The organisation, however, warned that the disease remains a major threat to children unless health authorities sustain routine immunisation, disease surveillance and rapid access to treatment.
MSF announced the end of its emergency intervention following the completion of a two-phase mass vaccination campaign carried out in partnership with the Kano State Ministry of Health.
The intervention followed one of Nigeria’s worst recorded diphtheria outbreaks, which claimed over 1,260 lives in Kano alone, most of them children.
According to MSF, more than 14,707 children received treatment during the emergency through MSF-run and supported treatment centres, including both facility-based and home-based care programmes.
The organisation also strengthened referral systems, disease surveillance, data management and community mobilisation while supporting the state’s vaccination drive.

Across two vaccination rounds, 835,028 doses of diphtheria vaccines were administered to children. The second phase, conducted between June 20 and 24, 2026, reached 486,948 children across 20 wards after the first round vaccinated 348,080 children, which ended on April 27.
MSF Project Coordinator in Kano, Abdoul-Aziz Djibrilla, said the outbreak placed enormous pressure on families, healthcare workers and health facilities across the state.
“Kano experienced a critical diphtheria outbreak that placed enormous pressure on families, healthcare workers and health facilities,” Djibrilla said.
He noted that although infections had declined considerably in recent months, largely because of the vaccination campaigns, the disease had not been eliminated.

“Although the number of cases has declined in recent months, mainly due to mass vaccination campaigns, the disease remains a serious health threat to children in Kano, driven by low immunisation coverage, overcrowding, delayed care-seeking, and malnutrition,” he added.
Kano has remained the epicentre of Nigeria’s diphtheria outbreak. According to the Kano State Ministry of Health, the state recorded more than 31,900 suspected cases and over 1,260 deaths between March 2022 and March 22, 2026.
The figures account for a significant proportion of Nigeria’s 65,759 suspected cases and 2,229 deaths reported by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) since the outbreak was officially declared in 2023.
At the height of the outbreak between late 2025 and early 2026, treatment centres were overwhelmed, with more than 100 children admitted daily across supported health facilities and home-based care programmes. Bed occupancy exceeded available capacity in several facilities as healthcare workers struggled to cope with the influx of patients requiring specialised treatment.
Diphtheria is a highly contagious but vaccine-preventable bacterial infection spread mainly through respiratory droplets or contact with infected wounds. The disease causes sore throat, fever, swollen lymph nodes and the formation of a thick grey membrane that can block the airway. In severe cases, toxins produced by the bacteria can damage the heart, kidneys and nervous system, while untreated infections can be fatal in about 30 per cent of cases, particularly among young children.
The outbreak has largely affected children aged between five and 14 years, many of whom had never been vaccinated or had received incomplete immunisation.
Despite the improvement recorded through the vaccination campaigns, MSF cautioned that immunity gaps persist, leaving thousands of children vulnerable to future outbreaks.
Djibrilla stressed that sustained government commitment would determine whether the gains recorded are maintained.
“Continued commitment from health authorities and partners to sustain high immunisation coverage, strengthen surveillance, and ensure timely access to quality treatment will be critical to preventing future outbreaks and protecting the lives of children in Kano,” he said.
MSF has operated continuously in Nigeria since 1996 and currently provides free medical care in 10 states, relying largely on private donations to maintain its humanitarian independence. The organisation said it would continue supporting healthcare interventions in Nigeria beyond the conclusion of the Kano diphtheria emergency response.MSF Ends endence. The organisation said it would continue supporting healthcare interventions in Nigeria beyond the conclusion of the Kano diphtheria emergency response.
MSF Ends Kano Diphtheria Emergency Mission After Vaccinating 835,000 Children
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Boko Haram: The Politics, A Call for Historical Accuracy, and Responsible Discourse
Boko Haram: The Politics, A Call for Historical Accuracy, and Responsible Discourse
By: Dr. James Bwala
The insurgency that has plagued northeastern Nigeria for over a decade, popularly known as Boko Haram, has caused immense suffering and destabilization in the region. Despite the profound implications of this crisis, much of the public discourse surrounding its origins is riddled with inaccuracies, oversimplifications, and politically motivated narratives. As a consequence, many Nigerians—including those on the streets of Maiduguri or other affected areas—hold incomplete or erroneous understandings of the group’s history. This lack of historical facts not only clouds efforts to address the root causes of the conflict but also fuels divisive rhetoric and politicization of the tragedy. Nigerians and those who continued to discuss the conflict and its history found a need to know and draw from facts to line up their narratives. Discoursants like lawyer Femi Falana and politicians like Naja’atu need facts to buttress their claims and should not rely on hearsay or half-truths, perhaps from where they heard their stories, because it is not adding up.
For us, who reported this crisis on the front line and studied the historical lines from direct elements and foot soldiers, we know that the widespread misconception is the tendency to attribute Boko Haram’s insurgency exclusively to the late Malam Mohammed Yusuf, the group’s most notorious leader, who emerged publicly in the early 2000s. While Yusuf did play a role in shaping the movement known as the “Yusufiya sect,” claiming he single-handedly started Boko Haram grossly simplifies the complex evolution of this militant group in Borno State or Northeast Nigeria. Such reductionism is evident in popular narratives frequently encountered among ordinary citizens, who often repeat what they have heard without contextual depth. An accurate historical account reveals that the conditions fostering Boko Haram’s emergence existed long before Yusuf’s ascendancy, involving multiple actors and events that laid the groundwork for radicalization and violence from the simply known Islamiyya sect in Kannamma to the Yusufiya sect and Boko Haram, the name given to them after the Bauchi Prison break at the beginning of the one-year conflict in 2010.
Like I did mention earlier, complicating the discourse around the history or founder are politicized allegations by prominent individuals that seek to assign blame to specific personalities without credible evidence. For instance, Hajiya Naja’atu has in recent times launched rhetoric directed at Vice President Kashim Shettima, linking her claims to the arrest of Kabiru Sokoto at the Borno liaison office in Abuja (which she said is Shettima’s house). Similarly, respected lawyer Femi Falana has publicly accused a former governor of Borno State of initiating the Boko Haram insurgency, associating the claims with political thuggery during the administration of Modu Sheriff. While such claims may have come within certain political constituencies, they dangerously oversimplify a multifaceted crisis and divert attention from deeper structural factors. Most importantly, these rhetorics are often founded on partial or misinterpreted information rather than comprehensive, verifiable research into the insurgency’s roots.
Testimonies and records of journalists and observers who were active in Maiduguri and the wider northeastern region since the early 1990s have captured far more interesting narratives. These professionals witnessed firsthand the unfolding developments culminating in the Boko Haram crisis. Their accounts reveal the existence of leadership predating Mohammed Yusuf, notably an individual named Mohammed Ali, who led an early Islamist sect prior to the “Yusufiya” movement. Ali was reportedly killed amid violence after escaping arrest in Kannamma, located in present-day Yobe State, long before Yusuf became publicly acknowledged as Boko Haram’s leader. The circumstances surrounding Mohammed Ali’s demise evidence internal fractures and state interventions that contributed to the radicalization pathway exploited by later insurgents.
Geographically, the significance of certain locations underscores the continuity in Boko Haram’s operational terrain. Mohammed Ali was ambushed and killed between Talala and Ajigil, areas within Damboa Local Government in Borno State. These locations remain critical hubs for Boko Haram activities today, illustrating how the movement’s influence expanded along established routes starting decades ago. Access between Buni Yadi and Damboa, through Foi village, forms a corridor still exploited for logistical and militant operations. Understanding these geographic linkages offers valuable insight into Boko Haram’s sustained presence and the entrenchment of its networks in northeastern Nigeria.
The persistence of incorrect narratives can be partly attributed to inadequate primary research and reliance on hearsay or politically motivated sources. This deficiency highlights an urgent need for esteemed public figures, journalists, analysts, and commentators to engage in meticulous and objective investigation when discussing Boko Haram’s origins. Reckless or uninformed rhetoric risks exacerbating communal tensions, misguiding policy responses, and undermining public trust. For example, assigning blame to isolated individuals without substantial proof politicizes the insurgency, detracting from broader considerations such as socioeconomic marginalization, governmental neglect, corruption, and ideological manipulation—all key contributors to the conflict.
Moreover, responsible storytelling about Boko Haram’s history requires acknowledging the complexity of insurgencies as social phenomena. These are rarely the product of singular agents but rather evolve from layered interactions between various factors, including local grievances, religious ideologies, political exclusions, and external influences. Therefore, simplistic attributions fail to capture the organic, evolving nature of such movements. A comprehensive approach that integrates oral histories, archival materials, community testimonies, and official documents can provide a more accurate chronicle and inform more effective counterinsurgency strategies.
The discourse on Boko Haram’s history demands a progressive shift toward historical accuracy and intellectual honesty. The prevailing narrative that attributes the insurgency solely to late Malam Mohammed Yusuf or assigns culpability to particular public figures without substantive evidence does a disservice to truth and justice. Recognizing the role of earlier leaders like Mohammed Ali and appreciating the broader socio-political context enables Nigerians and the international community to better comprehend the insurgency’s complexities. It is incumbent upon respected voices—whether in politics, law, or the media—to prioritize thorough research and measured discourse. Doing so not only honors the memory of victims and affected communities but also facilitates the formulation of genuine solutions anchored in reality, empathy, and inclusiveness. Only through such a principled approach can Nigeria hope to heal the wounds inflicted by Boko Haram and work toward lasting peace and stability in its northeastern regions.
- James Bwala, PhD, writes from Maiduguri.
- Boko Haram: The Politics, A Call for Historical Accuracy, and Responsible Discourse
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