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Dangote and Otedola: Industrial Giants Against Corruption

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Dangote and Otedola: Industrial Giants Against Corruption

By Magnus Onyibe

Nigeria’s fight against corruption has received an unexpected boost from two of its most powerful industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Femi Otedola.

Otedola set a notable precedent when he exposed bribery involving former lawmaker Farouk Ahmed Lawal a member of the House of Representatives as he stuffed dollars under his cap while he was secretly being recorded by Otedola receiving the illicit funds.

More recently, Dangote has drawn attention to alleged corruption within Nigeria’s oil regulatory space by revealing that the Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) reportedly paid about $5 million in school fees for his children in Switzerland—an expense Dangote himself said would be difficult to afford, even as Africa’s richest man.

These revelations underscore a shared commitment by Dangote and Otedola to confronting corruption and profligacy, not only in the private sector but also within public institutions.

Beyond whistleblowing, both men have consistently criticised elite excesses. Otedola has condemned bank executives who fly private jets at shareholders’ expense, while Dangote has urged Nigeria’s wealthy to invest in productive industries rather than squander resources on luxury cars. Their stance is reinforced by extensive philanthropy, including the Dangote Foundation’s ₦100 billion education initiative, the Tony Elumelu Foundation’s $10 million annual support for African entrepreneurs, and Samad Rabiu’s financial support to his workers up to the tune of N30 billion. Mike Adenuga’s contributions to sports and the arts through his telecoms firm, Globacom are equally quite significant and noteworthy.

All over the world there are challenges of corruption in the public sector. Ranging from the United States of America, USA to the United Kingdom, UK, China, India as well and Saudi Arabia.
But corruption is not as entrenched in those climes as it is in Africa.

That is because in those advanced Western, Asian, and Middle Eastern countries, they have put in place effective checks and balances to prevent corruption and sanctions whenever it is exposed. That is not the case in Africa and indeed Nigeria where corruption has become cultural and President Bola Tinubu whom the opposition is accusing of not fighting corruption enough perhaps because he did not publicly announce that he has zero tolerance for corruption as his predecessor Muhammadu Buhari did and in reality that govt turned out to be one of the most corrupt in the annals of Nigeria.

The reality is that President Tinubu is quietly proving that his government is intolerant of corruption and is currently prosecuting both public officials from his predecessors’ administration and those found to be challenged corruption wise in his own cabinet.

Meanwhile, some media commentators have been alleging that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC is being biased by not arresting and detaining the NMPDRA, Chief Executive Officer immediately after the allegations were made.

While I have absolute confidence that Dangote would have solid evidence before alleging, the rule would be that the matter has to be investigated and Dangote has to tender his evidence before an arrest can be made. And that would be in the event the accused does not respond to an invitation to clear himself of the allegation. So, all those accusing the EFCC of being slack are jumping the gun as the investigative work needs to be carried out before arrest, otherwise the agency may be accused of jungle justice by the same people prodding or even stampeding into arresting the accused immediately.

The ex-Attorney General and Minister of Justice Abubakar Malami and Dr. Chris Ngige, a former Labor Minister who served in the immediate past regime are being cited as currently being under arrest for corruption, while the man accused by Dangote has not been arrested. Critics have to take note that the duo of Malami and Ngige have been out of office since 2023 which is over two and a half years ago and they were not brought to trial until a couple of weeks ago.

To be fair the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission, ICPC are doing their best in seeking to turn the tide of corruption in Nigeria but they are often handicapped by the bureaucracy.

However, should the private sector anti-corruption champions such as Dangote and Otedola be joined by Chief Mike Adenuga of Glo, Alh. Samad Rabiu of Bua, Tony Elumelu of Heirs Holdings, etc who deal with government officials regularly in the course of seeking licenses, access to proprietary information, assets, and other government services to fight corruption in the public sector, our country would likely record more success in its anti-graft agenda.

There are multiple cases of corruption in govt such as that of the ex-accountant general of the federation Musa Ahmed who was indicted for stealing N109 billion and the Pension Task Force czar, Abdulraman Abdrasheed who was also indicted for the embezzlement of the funds that he was supposed to have recovered on behalf of the government. But not one of them has been convicted how much more serving a long jail term as a House of Representatives member who Otedola captured red-handed receiving the bribe dollar. So, since his case was more or less a slam dunk one, there was no wiggle room.
We are all well aware of the consequences of corruption on society which can be calamitous. A bad road arising from acts of corruption between a public official who awarded the contract but was compromised by the contractor to lower quality and standards can result in the death of the innocent and unsuspecting road users. So, fighting corruption as Dangote and Otedola are doing is a good thing, they deserve accolades as the battle against graft should be emulated as it is everybody’s business.

In fact, Dangote’s clash with the NMDPRA also reflects the realities of corporate rivalry. In order to justify the continuous importation of finished petroleum products, the regulatory agency had previously questioned the capacity and quality of output from the Dangote Refinery. Those are claims that were later countered by independent assessments showing the refinery’s products meeting international standards and being exported to markets such as the United States and Saudi Arabia.

In political terms, Dangote’s disclosures resemble opposition research. But as a businessman rather than a politician, his actions can be seen as a forceful response to institutional hostility.

Ultimately, the broader lesson from the spat between Dangote and the NMDPRA boss in the context of corruption extends beyond Nigeria. The Western countries that host illicit funds from Africa often claim to support anti-corruption efforts, yet turn a blind eye government’s scandals erupt. Despite strict “Know Your Customer” rules, foreign banks, schools, and real estate markets continue to absorb questionable wealth without alerting source countries.

If foreign governments were truly committed to fighting corruption, they would proactively expose suspicious assets linked to public officials. Until then, their posture will remain one of moral posturing rather than genuine partnership.

Strikingly, Nigeria’s experience suggests that when influential industrialists join the anti-corruption battle, progress becomes more achievable. The challenge is whether global actors are willing to match that resolve.
We have certainly not heard the last of the Dangote and NMDPRA Chief Executive Officer’s face-off and my wish is that more industrialists would join in exposing corruption in the public sector and society in general and in the process free up funds hitherto being stolen by public officials.
Should the funds currently being squandered be used to provide the highly needed infrastructure that would create jobs, boost productivity, enable progress, and prosperity of the nation and society as a whole, Nigerians will be better off.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, and alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, is a Commonwealth Institute scholar and a former commissioner in the Delta State government. He sent this piece from Lagos.

Dangote and Otedola: Industrial Giants Against Corruption

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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