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Election in Borno Central Massively Tampered With, Alleges Kumalia

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Election in Borno Central Massively Tampered With, Alleges Kumalia

By: Michael Mike

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Senatorial Candidate in Borno Central, Hon. Mohammed Kumalia has alleged that result of elections in his senatorial district was massively tampered with to favour the All Progressives Congress (APC).

He equally alleged that the election in eight local government areas comprising Borno Central Senatorial District were conducted without following the election guidelines and procedure as outlined in the election manual and the 2022 electoral act.

The eight local governments in Borno central are Maiduguri Metropolitan, Jere, Konduga, Bama, Mafa, Dikwa, Gamboru Ngala and Kala Balge.

Kumalia, made the allegation at a press conference in Maidugiri, insisting that there were massive infractions and manipulations in respect of the Presidential, Senate and House of Representatives elections in Borno Central.

He equally alleged that In all the eight local government areas, the use of the BVAS machine was generally disregarded as people were accredited manually without the use of the BVAS machine.

The PDP candidate further alleged that, there were widespread incidences of over voting, manipulations, intimidation, vote buying across the eight local governments, insisting that result sheets were altered after the elections among other infractions.

He therefore, called on the Borno State Resident Electoral Commissioner and the collation and Returning officers to cancel the elections in all the eight councils as the elections has failed to meet the minimum requirements of the election guidelines as well as the Electoral Act.

Below are some of the alleged cases of irregularities, he presented:

  1. MAIDUGURI METROPOLITAN
  2. a. There are incidences of over voting in several units across the local government. In particular, Lamisula Jabbamari, Bolori I, Bolori II, Gwange I, II, and III, Shehuri South, Shehuri North among others.
    b. Result sheets from the Units were not uploaded to the INEC server/portal after the elections at the units in accordance with the election guidelines.
    c. Alteration of results of units after completion of elections across the 15 wards of the local government.
    d. Destruction of ballot papers by APC stalwarts
    e. BVAS machine was not used in some polling units.
    f. Elections did not hold in some polling units.
    g. Results of elections in some polling units won by PDP were not entered into the collation sheet at the ward level.
    h. In Maisandri ward, at about 2am this morning (Tuesday), all the agents were chased out of the collation center after collating about 120 out of 200 units where PDP was leading comfortably and the results were manipulated and doctored to favour the APC candidates.
  3. JERE LOCAL GOVERNMENT
  4. Results of several units in several wards have been altered and changed after completion of voting in about six (6) out of 12 wards. The results that were altered are in respect of the Presidential, Senate and House of Representatives elections.
    The affected Local Governments are:
  5. Old Maiduguri Ward
  6. Mashamari Ward
  7. Mairi Ward
  8. Maimusari Ward
  9. Ngomari Ward
  10. Bale Galtimari ward
    According to him, rhe tampering of the results is obvious as there are a lot of cancellations and alterations in the Form EC 8B of the affected wards. For clarity, the results of the polling units are different from the results recorded on Form EC 8B in a number of the units in the aforementioned wards.
  11. Bama Local Government:
  12. a. There was over voting in the final result of the local government in respect of the Presidential, Senate and House of Representatives elections. A case in point is the senatorial election where the total number of accredited voters is less than the total number of votes cast (Both Valid and Invalid votes). The total number of accredited voters for Bama Local Government is about 18,000 while the total number of votes cast is 21,850. However, a figure of 22,076 was super imposed over the 18, 000 as the total number of accredited voters. Unfortunately for the manipulators, the figure of 18,000 is still visible despite the super imposition of an increased figure of 22,076.
    b. There was voting without accreditation using the BVAS machine for the purpose of accreditation contrary to the election guidelines.
    c. Scores on result sheets were altered and the amendments are obvious as the old figures and the newly super imposed figure are both visible in many instances. New figures are super imposed on the old figures either to increase the votes received by APC or to increase the total number of accredited voters to justify the inflated votes that has been allocated to the APC.
  13. DIKWA LOCAL GOVERNMENT
  14. a. Elections were conducted without the use of the BVAS machine in most places and ballot papers were thumb printed indiscriminately.
    b. All Party agents were chased away by security forces except those of the APC for the APC to do whatever they wanted.
    c. Some units did not have BVAS machines and even where present, the machines did not work and results were turned in for these places.
  15. MAFA LOCAL GOVERNMENT
  16. a. Elections did take place in Maf’a, Mafa Central, Zangebe and Laje wards but results were turned up for these wards.
    b. BVAS machines were not used in the conduct of the elections in several units across the wards..
    c. In Tansuwu Ngamduwa ward, there are three units ( 22 maternity unit, Kaleri transformer and Zannari II) elections took place but the results were not recorded because PDP won those units.
  17. KONDUGA
  18. a. There was no use of BVAs machine in a number of units across all the wards in Konduga Local government. Incidences of manual voting was widespread.
  19. b. Party agents were chased away from the polling units and results were recorded arbitrarily in favour of the APC.
  20. C. Invalid votes were recorded in favour of APC in several units across the wards.
  21. NGALA LOCAL GOVERNMENT
  22. a. No use of BVAS machine for accreditation
    b. About 6000 fake votes were added to the APC votes for presidential, Senate and House of Representatives seats
    c. There was over voting in a number of polling units across the local government.
    d. There was voter intimidation and harassment
  23. KALA BALGE LOCAL GOVERNMENT:
  24. a. there was no use of the BVAS machine throughout the 10 wards of local government.
    b. People without voter’s cards were allowed to vote.
    c. Those with temporary voter’s cards were allowed to vote contrary to the electoral guidelines
    d. There was open use of US Dollar bills by the APC officials to bribe INEC officials to manipulate the results
    e. Even the manipulated results at the units were not uploaded on the INEC portal
    f. There was over voting in several units across the 10 wards of the local government.
    d. At the collation centers, all agents of the PDP were chased away by the Army personnel for the INEC and APC officials to write whatever result that they wanted.
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VP Shettima’s Invest Lagos Summit: A contest of narratives on both the Dangote and Abdulsamad empires. 

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VP Shettima's Invest Lagos Summit: A contest of narratives on both the Dangote and Abdulsamad empires. 

VP Shettima’s Invest Lagos Summit: A contest of narratives on both the Dangote and Abdulsamad empires. 

By: Dr James Bwala

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s recent statement at the Invest Lagos Summit, which sparked significant controversy and backlash from various quarters, particularly regarding his remarks about Africa’s richest men, Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. The vice president asserted that Lagos, not Kano, produced these business magnates, a comment that many interpreted as dismissive of Kano’s historical commercial significance. However, this reaction stems largely from a misinterpretation of Shettima’s words and an overlooking of the broader context in which his remarks were made. It is crucial to understand and defend the vice president’s statement, recognising the economic dynamics at play and the positive intent behind his message.

Vice President Shettima’s assertion that Lagos produced Africa’s richest men was not intended as an erasure of Kano’s rich commercial heritage or an undervaluing of the northern roots of these business icons. Instead, it was a contextual observation highlighting Lagos as the continent’s economic powerhouse and a pivotal hub where business ideas are scaled and transformed into thriving enterprises. Lagos is Africa’s largest sub-national economy, characterised by its vibrant market activities, infrastructural advantages, business-friendly policies, and an environment conducive to private sector growth. This city has historically served as a furnace where entrepreneurial ambitions find fertile ground to flourish and expand. Shettima’s point was that while the initial entrepreneurial instincts and businesses may have originated elsewhere, including Kano, it is within Lagos that these ventures matured into the colossal economic entities they are today.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/radical-approach-ways-of-ending-the-menace-of-insecurity-in-nigeria/

The backlash, particularly from northern commentators and traditional leaders like Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II of Kano, reflects a common regional sensitivity towards identity and recognition. The Emir’s response centred on Kano’s longstanding reputation as a “centre of commerce”, emphasising the city’s role in shaping fundamental entrepreneurial skills and traditions inherited by figures like Dangote and Rabiu. While this perspective honours Kano’s historic significance, it inadvertently overlooks the nuance in Shettima’s statement—that the vice president did not deny Kano’s foundational influence but instead underscored Lagos’s role in providing a strategic platform for growth and scaling operations. The criticism arises from conflating birthplace or origin with the locus of economic success. Recognising Lagos as the city where these businesses “came to the limelight” is not a negation of their roots but an acknowledgement of pragmatic economic realities.

Shettima’s remarks must be viewed through the lens of economic pragmatism rather than political rivalry or regional contestation. Lagos has been, and remains, Nigeria’s commercial nerve centre and a critical node in Africa’s trade and investment networks. Its infrastructure, regulatory frameworks, access to ports, financial markets, and international connectivity create unique advantages that entrepreneurs can leverage to multiply their wealth and impact. Both Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu have attested to the enabling environment provided by Lagos State governments, which implemented policies fostering private-sector investments surpassing $30 billion. These acknowledgements underscore the integral role Lagos played in their skyrocketing success, validating Shettima’s emphasis on Lagos’s contributions without negating Kano’s entrepreneurial legacy.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/radical-approach-ways-of-ending-the-menace-of-insecurity-in-nigeria/

It is also imperative to contextualise the timing and nature of the criticism directed at the vice president. Notably, some individuals and groups who vociferously objected to Shettima’s Lagos-centric remarks had remained conspicuously silent during other contentious moments, such as when the vice president defended the Dangote Refinery amid an industrial dispute with the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) in late 2025. During that dispute, Shettima described Dangote as an “institution” deserving protection, a stance that drew criticism from labour unions but highlighted his consistent recognition of the vital role played by business leaders in Nigeria’s economic fabric. This selective outrage suggests that the current backlash is less about objective critique and more about entrenched regional loyalties or political manoeuvring as learnt in political communications. 

The misrepresentation of Kashim Shettima’s position reveals a broader challenge in Nigerian public discourse—a tendency to pre-emptively judge and politicise statements without engaging with their substance or intent. The eagerness to attack the vice president before fully understanding the context exemplifies a mindset that undermines balanced evaluation and constructive debate. Instead of appreciating the VP’s highlighting of Lagos as an epicentre of enterprise and resilience, detractors have chosen to ignite divisive sentiments that distract from economic cooperation and national unity. This pattern of reaction fuels unnecessary regional tensions, which ultimately hinder the country’s collective progress.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/radical-approach-ways-of-ending-the-menace-of-insecurity-in-nigeria/

From a professional standpoint, it is essential to champion nuanced communication and responsible leadership. Vice President Shettima’s remarks align with an economic truth that transcends parochial interests: that success in business often requires not just ingenuity and grit but access to supportive environments where ideas can scale. Nurturing such hubs—like Lagos—is vital for Nigeria’s sustained development and global competitiveness. Recognising and celebrating Lagos’s role, therefore, should not be viewed as an affront to other regions but as a call to replicate such enabling conditions nationwide. Every region, including Kano, must strive to provide similar platforms to nurture and propel their homegrown talents and enterprises.

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s comments at the Invest Lagos Summit were a factual, context-driven affirmation of Lagos’s status as Africa’s premier economic hub, where entrepreneurial ventures achieve their full potential. His statement was neither dismissive of Kano’s historic commercial contributions nor an attempt to diminish the foundational roles played by northern business traditions. Instead, it was a candid recognition of Lagos’s unique capacity to nurture and elevate business successes on an unprecedented scale. The vehement backlash—fueled by misinterpretation and regional sensitivities—serves as a reminder of the need for careful listening, thoughtful analysis, and avoidance of partisan attacks in national conversations. As Nigerians, we can foster unity and propel the country towards inclusive prosperity by embracing diverse pathways to success and acknowledging the layered realities of economic growth. Future critiques should engage constructively with leaders’ insights, considering both intent and context before passing judgements. Only through such mature discourse can Nigeria harness its full economic potential and build a harmonious, thriving society.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

VP Shettima’s Invest Lagos Summit: A contest of narratives on both the Dangote and Abdulsamad empires. 

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Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

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Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

North-East Elders and Youth Forum, Adamawa Chapter has strongly rejected and condemned the abusive language attributed to the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar by the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Babachir Lawal.

Hamza Sa’ad Dasin, the National Leader of the forum stated this during a press briefing in Yola that Lawal accused Atiku Abubakar of manipulating the recent ADC primary election results while describing him as a religious and tribal bigot.

“Well, that’s not the problem, because leaving or staying with the party remains his absolute right; the most alarming and worrisome approach by the former SGF was his utterances against the Former Vice President.

“Accusing him of being religious and tribal bigot, and even went further to calling him KACHALLA, which connotes direct linkage with banditry”, he said.

He said, Atiku Abubakar, socially and politically remains the symbol of unity Nigeria as he married from South West, South-East and North-East “So he is symbolically democratic even in his own house”.

Dasin further said that Atiku has a very large heart that accommodates all irrespective of religious, tribal or sectional inclinations.

“This can be ascertained by looking at the people surrounding him. He is a believer of cultural multiplicity.

“When Boko Haram entered Mubi in Adamawa State, Atiku used his personal resources to bring in hunters and traditional fighters from different parts of northern Nigeria to come and assist.

“And they eventually succeeded in driving them away, killing a large number of them. This is to tell you that Atiku has never, can never and will never be a supporter of banditry, so count him out of being a KACHALLA”, he said.

He further explained that Atiku is a well recognized Political Guru, not only in Nigeria but in the world.

“He is considered one of the best politicians in Africa and the world”, he said.

Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

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Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

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Vice President Kashim Shettima


Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

By: Dr. James Bwala

The interplay of identity, symbolism, and electoral coalitions remains a defining feature of political calculations. Prof. Farooq Kperogi’s article, “The Shettima Danger for Tinubu,” brings to the fore a nuanced analysis of the 2023 Tinubu-Shettima political alliance and its implications for the upcoming 2027 elections. At first glance, one might dismiss Kperogi’s arguments as overblown or reductionist, interpreting the situation purely through a lens of personal relationships or conventional political maneuvers. However, a deeper examination reveals that Kperogi’s article is a persuasive and compelling warning about how ignoring the complex dynamics of identity blocs and political symbolism could imperil Tinubu’s ambitions. Kperogi’s insights, therefore, must be taken seriously by political actors, analysts, and stakeholders as they unravel the political future of Nigeria’s ruling party.

Kperogi’s central contentions revolve around what he terms “emotional cartography”—the phenomenon where voting behavior in Nigeria is strongly influenced by identity-based sentimental loyalty to ethnic, regional, and religious affiliations. The Tinubu–Shettima ticket of 2023 is not merely an example of a Muslim-Muslim alliance as popularly debated but rather a strategic partnership representing a powerful Yoruba–Northern Muslim electoral coalition. Tinubu, as a Yoruba political titan, symbolized the southwestern, populous, and politically vibrant Yoruba bloc, while Shettima represented the Northern Muslim electorate, a significant demographic force that has historically influenced election outcomes. This alliance functioned not just on religious credentials but on broader identity representation that allowed different groups to feel politically validated and included in governance.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

To understand the stakes, one must appreciate how Nigerian electoral politics operate under this framework. Identity politics, though often criticized for perpetuating division, remains a primary mechanism through which large sections of the population interpret their political interests and participation. For many Nigerians, political representation is not only about policies or ideology but also about whether they see their group’s history, values, and concerns visibly acknowledged and safeguarded. Kperogi emphasizes that emotional cartography generates an implicit contract: when a political ticket includes representatives from major ethnic and religious blocks, it reassures those constituencies that their place in the power structure is secure. Conversely, when this balance shifts or is disrupted, it risks alienating those blocs, triggering voter apathy, backlash, or realignment.

This dynamic makes the prospect of removing Shettima from the 2027 Tinubu ticket particularly perilous. According to Kperogi, Shettima’s presence was foundational to the 2023 electoral success because he symbolically anchored Northern Muslim support. The North is not monolithic, but the Northern Muslim constituency comprises a notable voting bloc that contributed significantly to Tinubu’s victory. Removing Shettima signals more than just a personnel change; it potentially conveys to Northern Muslims that their symbolic representation within the ruling coalition is being diminished or erased. Such a perception, Kperogi warns, would likely fracture existing alliances and result in a loss of critical votes during the next election cycle.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Also, Kperogi critiques the assumption that replacing Shettima with a Northern Christian candidate would simply substitute one identity for another and thus maintain coalition stability. This overlooks key realities about the shifting affiliations and political histories of Northern Christians. Many Northern Christian voters have already gravitated toward alternatives such as Peter Obi, making them a less reliable base for Tinubu’s coalition vis-à-vis Northern Muslims. Hence, swapping Shettima for a Northern Christian does not guarantee a straightforward transfer of votes; instead, it risks weakening the Northern bloc’s overall cohesion in favor of less predictable political outcomes. In Kperogi’s assessment, this maneuver could cause Tinubu to lose more ground than he gains.

Beyond electoral arithmetic, Kperogi’s argument also extends into the broader realm of political sociology and conflict studies within Nigeria. Throughout history, Northern political elites have often leveraged religious identity—particularly Muslim solidarity—to mobilize voters and address perceived marginalization or exclusion in the national power matrix. Displacing Shettima, who embodies this Northern Muslim representation, could rekindle grievances and exacerbate fault lines that have periodically erupted into tension or violence. Thus, the “Shettima danger” not only encapsulates electoral risks but also potential destabilization of Nigeria’s delicate interethnic and interreligious equilibrium.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Critically, Kperogi’s analysis does not endorse or glorify identity politics; rather, it pragmatically acknowledges it as an existing reality that shapes Nigerian political behavior. His contribution lies in highlighting that political actors who ignore these identity perceptions do so at their own peril. The idea that electoral success can be achieved solely through policy platforms or technocratic governance is, in Nigeria’s context, incomplete without considering the symbolism of inclusion and representation among diverse communities. Tinubu’s political fortunes, therefore, hinge upon maintaining a coalition that respects and reflects the ethnic and religious mosaic of Nigeria’s electorate.

Opponents of Kperogi’s view might argue that emphasizing identity risks perpetuating sectarianism and undermining efforts toward national integration. They may advocate for transcendence beyond primordial affiliations toward programmatic politics focusing on issues like economic development, security, and social justice. While such aspirations are noble and necessary for Nigeria’s long-term progress, the immediate political reality remains that identity-based emotional loyalty strongly influences voter behavior and political legitimacy. Dismissing this factor risks alienating vital constituencies and undermining political stability—a cost that Nigerian leaders cannot afford in the volatile current climate.

READ ALSO https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Indeed, Kperogi’s concept of emotional cartography offers a useful analytic framework to bridge the divide between identity politics critics and proponents. It encourages recognizing identity as a sociopolitical phenomenon shaped by history, culture, and lived experience rather than a mere obstacle to democracy. Through this lens, politicians like Tinubu must navigate identity sensibilities skillfully, balancing inclusivity and national unity without erasing distinct group identities. The Shettima matter exemplifies this challenge: it requires sensitivity to how symbolic representation operates alongside substantive governance to sustain broad-based political coalitions.

The assessment of the “Shettima danger” for Tinubu’s 2027 ticket should be regarded as a persuasive cautionary tale grounded in Nigeria’s political realities. Far from an academic abstraction, his insights illuminate why removing Shettima risks fracturing a crucial electoral coalition based on Yoruba and Northern Muslim alliances, thereby jeopardizing Tinubu’s political prospects. More importantly, it underscores how identity, symbolism, and emotional cartography continue to shape Nigerian politics in profound ways. For Tinubu and his party, success depends not only on policy effectiveness but also on adeptly managing the complex mosaic of representation and inclusion that defines Nigeria’s democratic landscape. To ignore Kperogi’s warnings is to court a political miscalculation with potentially far-reaching consequences for Nigeria’s fragile unity and democratic stability.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

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