News
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD

FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
By: Michael
Mike
Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.
As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.
I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.
Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.
The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.
The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.
International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.
In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.
The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.
Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.
There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.
Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.
To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.
Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.
Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.
On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.
Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.
As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.
FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PATH TO PEACE IN A DANGEROUS NEIGHBOURHOOD
International
OP-ED: “A RESCUE PLAN FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT”

OP-ED: “A RESCUE PLAN FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT”
By: Michael Mike
This month, leaders will gather in Sevilla, Spain, on a rescue mission: to help fix how the world invests in sustainable development.
The stakes could not be higher. A decade after the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals and many global commitments to finance them, two-thirds of the targets are lagging. And the world is falling short by over $4 trillion annually in the resources developing countries need to deliver on these promises by 2030.
Meanwhile, the global economy is slowing, trade tensions are rising, aid budgets are being slashed while military spending soars, and international cooperation is under unprecedented strain.
The global development crisis is not abstract. It is measured in families going to bed hungry, children going unvaccinated, girls being forced to drop out of school and entire communities deprived of basic services.
We must correct course. That begins at the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in Sevilla, where an ambitious, globally supported plan to invest in the Sustainable Development Goals must be adopted.
That plan should include three essential elements.
First, Sevilla must help accelerate the flow of resources to the countries who need it most. Fast.
Countries must be in the driver’s seat, mobilizing domestic resources by strengthening revenue collection and addressing tax evasion, money laundering and illicit financial flows through international cooperation. This would provide much-needed resources to prioritize spending on areas with the greatest impact such as education, healthcare, jobs, social protection, food security, and renewable energy.
At the same time, national development banks, regional and Multilateral Development Banks need to come together to finance major investments.
To support this, the lending capacity of these banks needs to triple so developing countries can better access capital on affordable terms with longer timelines.
This increased access should include re-channeling of unconditional reserve assets — or Special Drawing Rights — to developing countries, preferably through Multilateral Development Banks to multiply their impact.
Private investment is also essential. Resources can be unlocked by making it easier for private finance to support bankable development projects and by promoting solutions that mitigate currency risks and combine public and private finance more effectively.
Throughout, donors must keep their development promises.
Second, we must fix the global debt system. It is unfair and broken.
The current borrowing system is unsustainable, and developing countries have little confidence in it. It’s easy to see why. Debt service is a steamroller crushing development gains, to the tune of more than $1.4 trillion a year. Many governments are forced to spend more on debt payments than on essentials like health and education combined.
Sevilla must result in concrete steps to reduce borrowing costs, facilitate timely debt restructuring for countries burdened by unsustainable debt, and prevent debt crises from unfolding in the first place.
In advance of the conference, a number of countries put forward proposals to ease the debt burden on developing countries. This includes making it easier to pause debt service in times of emergency; establishing a single debt registry to strengthen transparency; and improving how the IMF, World Bank and credit-ratings agencies assess risks in developing countries.
Finally, Sevilla must raise the voice and influence of developing countries in the international financial system so it better serves their needs.
International financial institutions must reform their governance structures to enable greater voice and participation of developing countries in the management of the institutions they depend on.
The world also needs a fairer global tax system, one shaped by all governments — not just the wealthiest and most powerful.
The creation of a “borrowers club” for countries to coordinate their approaches and learn from one another is another promising step toward addressing power imbalances.
The meeting in Sevilla is not about charity. It’s about justice, and building a future in which countries can thrive, build, trade, and prosper together. In our increasingly interconnected world, a future of haves and have-nots is a recipe for even greater global insecurity that will keep weighing down progress for all.
With renewed global commitment and action, Sevilla can spark new momentum to restore a measure of faith in international cooperation and deliver on sustainable development for people and planet.
In Sevilla, leaders must act together to make this rescue mission a success.
OP-ED: “A RESCUE PLAN FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT”
Crime
Illicit drug consignment packaged as green tea intercepted at Lagos airport

Illicit drug consignment packaged as green tea intercepted at Lagos airport
By:Michael Mike
No fewer than 66 parcels of Loud, a strong strain of cannabis, packaged as green tea have been intercepted by operatives of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) at the import shed of the Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA) Lagos.
According to the spokesman of the anti-narcotics agency, Femi Babafemi, the seizure made last Thursday was based on credible intelligence received ahead of the arrival of the consignment at the cargo wing of the airport on 11th May.

Babafemi, in the statement issued on Sunday, disclosed that the NDLEA had watch-listed the shipment, and sustained surveillance around it for over three weeks before inviting other stakeholders for a joint examination last Thursday.
He said the Loud consignment weighing 62.2 kilogrammes was concealed inside wraps of green tea that came from Thailand via UAE on an Emirate Airlines flight.
Babafemi said in another operation in Lagos, NDLEA operatives last Monday intercepted a consignment of 1,665 kilogrammes skunk, a strain of cannabis, along Lekki-Ajah expressway. Two suspects: Gidado Ayinde and Obanla Oluwafemi were promptly arrested in connection with the seizure.
In Kaduna, operatives of the state command of NDLEA on patrol along Abuja – Kaduna expressway last Tuesday arrested 29-year-old Goodluck Nnaemeka with 612 bottles of codeine-based syrup and 2,970 pills of flunitrazepam. In another operation same day, a 52-year-old wanted drug dealer Kabiru Musa (a.k.a KB) was arrested at Kurmin Mashi. A total of 25.7 kilogrammes skunk was earlier recovered from his base.
While a total of 9 kilogrammes Loud was recovered from the spare tyre compartment of an Audi station wagon car marked AAA 975 XU driven by Atari Israel, 45, along Auchi road, Edo state, two young women: Favour Joy and Joy Igwe were last Tuesday nabbed at Ikpoba hill area of Benin city. Recovered from them include: 106.57 kilogrammes skunk; 1 kilogramme Loud; 800 grammes Colorado and 302 grammes of methamphetamine.
Babafemi said the War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) social advocacy activities by NDLEA commands equally continued across the country in the past week.
Meanwhile, the Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of NDLEA, Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa (Rtd) while commending the officers and men of MMIA, Lagos, Kaduna, and Edo commands of the agency for the arrests and seizures of the past week, also praised their counterparts in all the commands across the country for pursuing a fair balance between their drug supply reduction and drug demand reduction efforts.
Illicit drug consignment packaged as green tea intercepted at Lagos airport
News
One year after Allawa’s fall, displaced residents cry for help as humanitarian crisis deepens in Niger

One year after Allawa’s fall, displaced residents cry for help as humanitarian crisis deepens in Niger
By U.K. Umar
One year after armed attackers overran Allawa community in Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State, a deepening humanitarian crisis continues to haunt the thousands of people who fled the invasion and now live in makeshift camps with no hope of return.
The silence that hangs over the once-thriving agrarian community of Allawa is not just physical, it is a silence of abandonment, neglect and despair.
Since the violent invasion of April 25, 2024, residents who escaped death have become Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), living in overcrowded primary school buildings, market stalls and half-roofed compounds in neighbouring towns such as Kuta, Erena and Gwada.
Education has been disrupted. Food is uncertain. Healthcare is nearly non-existent. And worse, hope is fading.
At an abandoned block of classrooms now serving as a displacement shelter in Kuta, Zagazola Media Netowork, met Malam Musa Yakubu, a 47-year-old farmer and father of seven. He sat quietly under the shade of a neem tree, surrounded by three of his children, all barefooted and visibly malnourished.
“This place was once my children’s school. Now it is our home,” he said, forcing a smile. “We sleep on broken desks, on bare floor. During rainy nights, we cover ourselves with nylon bags. My wife cries often because she cannot feed our children.”
Malam Yakubu said he grew up in Allawa and owned over 15 hectares of farmland before the invasion. Today, he depends on handouts from well-wishers.
“The last time we received food aid was three months ago. Since then, we have been living on roasted yam and wild leaves. My children have not seen a classroom since we fled.”
Standing nearby was Amina Ibrahim, 16, who said she dropped out of Junior Secondary School following the attack. Now, she spends her days helping her mother hawk groundnuts in Kuta. I want to return to school,” she said quietly. “But how can I go to school when we have no home, no books, and no peace?”
‘My primary school is a ghost town’
For U.K. Umar, a former resident of Allawa and the writer of this report, the tragedy is personal.
“I attended Central Primary School in Allawa, which is now in ruins,” he recalled. “My childhood friends are now scattered across IDP camps. Some lost their parents. Some were taken by the attackers. We were not just displaced. We were forgotten.”
Umar said the displacement was not just the result of one attack, but a culmination of years of insecurity that was never addressed.
“What happened on April 25, 2024, was the final blow. Security agencies left, and armed groups moved in. What followed was a complete collapse of community life. Now, we are a forgotten people.”
Terror in the shadows
Reports from Shiroro LGA suggest that terror groups now control mining activities across several wards including Kurebe, Kwaki and Kushaka. Residents allegethat the attackers collect levies from artisanal gold miners up to N2 million per site every two weeks. Those who fail to comply are barred from mining, while others are punished.
“Their boys come during the day to collect fuel and money. At night, they disappear into the bush. They even settle disputes among locals. It is like a second government,” said a displaced youth who asked not to be named.
Just two weeks ago, five persons were reportedly abducted in Kwanta Yashi. Locals say they fear speaking out, as they are caught between hunger and violence.
‘Even water is a privilege’
In the Erena IDP settlement, Hajia Halima Abdullahi, 60, spoke through tears.
“I used to be a trader. I had goats and chickens. Now, I beg for drinking water. We fetch from a stream one hour away, and sometimes, we boil it. Other times, we drink it raw.”
She said many elderly displaced persons have developed hypertension and respiratory infections due to harsh conditions.
“There are no drugs. No doctors. Sometimes, we use herbs. Our children are falling sick every day.” It was also observed that the camps lack toilets, clean water, mosquito nets, and electricity. In some shelters, more than ten people sleep in one small room.
‘We feel abandoned’
There is growing frustration among displaced residents over what they describe as state government indifference.
“All we hear are promises. No concrete plan. No official has told us when we can return. It is as if our lives no longer matter,” said Ibrahim Zakari, a youth from Allawa now living in Gwada.
He appealed to the Niger State Government and the Federal Government to urgently intervene.
We are Nigerians too. We voted. We paid taxes. We built our homes and schools. Why have we been left to suffer?”
“You cannot keep over 20,000 displaced people in hopeless conditions for over a year and expect stability. Children are out of school. Teenage girls are being married off. Boys are joining vigilante groups. Trauma is spreading like wildfire,” he warned.
He called on the Federal Government to declare a humanitarian emergency in Shiroro LGA and mobilise the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), as well as development partners, to scale up food, water, and shelter support.
“There must be a concrete, time-bound plan for resettlement. These people deserve to go home with safety, dignity, and support.”
Conclusion
One year after the fall of Allawa, the question remains: how long must a people wait?
As Niger State and the Federal Government grapple with rising insecurity, the forgotten people of Allawa continue to live in limbo displaced, distressed, and dangerously ignored.
Their pain is not history. It is ongoing. And unless urgent steps are taken, the crisis may deepen further.
“We have not died,” Malam Musa Yakubu said quietly. “But we are not living either.”
One year after Allawa’s fall, displaced residents cry for help as humanitarian crisis deepens in Niger
-
News1 year ago
Roger Federer’s Shock as DNA Results Reveal Myla and Charlene Are Not His Biological Children
-
Opinions3 years ago
THE PLIGHT OF FARIDA
-
Opinions3 years ago
POLICE CHARGE ROOMS, A MINTING PRESS
-
News1 year ago
EYN: Rev. Billi, Distortion of History, and The Living Tamarind Tree
-
Columns1 year ago
Army University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.
-
ACADEMICS1 year ago
A History of Biu” (2015) and The Lingering Bura-Pabir Question (1)
-
Opinions1 year ago
Tinubu,Shettima: The epidemic of economic, insecurity in Nigeria
-
Politics10 months ago
Kashim Shettima: Of Sentiments, Their Opinions, and the 21 billion Naira VP’s Official Resident