Politics
Kashim Shettima: Of Sahara Reporters, The Lies And Satanic Theories of Reverend Kallamu Dikwa

Kashim Shettima: Of Sahara Reporters, The Lies And Satanic Theories of Reverend Kallamu Dikwa
By: James Bwala
…And they shall know the truth and the truth shall set them free. I believe Reverend Kallamu Musa Ali Dikwa, Director General of the Centre for Justice on Religious and Ethnicity In Nigeria knows this scripture from the Book of John 8:32 as quoted in the beginning of this piece of writing. Indeed he has raised a weighty issue that many Christians would sit up to read from his lines of argument. But is Reverend Kallamu Musa saying the fact, especially about the former Borno state governor and APC Vice Presidential Candidate, Kashim Shettima?
I know that few people are magnifying the issues of religion in the ongoing campaign in the build up for 2023. However, the few still are rediculing themselves for choosing to attack the former Borno state governor over his choice as the running mate for the APC Presidential Candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. I have told many people before and I am saying it again that no Borno state governor in history has favour the Christians than Kashim Shettima and he is still doing more. There are alot of Nigerians, who are very powerful and standing in the corridors of power. For many years they dictates what happen in the country and call the shots. They have caged many Presidents because their second in commands are weak however, now they are seeing a different ball game coming.
Kashim Shettima is both intelligent and powerful figure they cannot tow with. His coming as Nigeria’s Vice President will deflect the power of the courtiers in the centre. So, much focus was on him and the many reasons for the attacks. But if they failed to impress their pay masters for attacking Shettima in the past, how sure are they that if they continue to attack him, they will not end up praising him? Reverend Kallamu Musa was the next parrot available to use but he was never armed with facts. Again, they have failed and Sahara Reporters has failed to do the digging and fetched the facts from the statement they published. They have failed to ask to know when did Christian Religious Knowledge was stopped in public schools in Borno state. If they do, they would have known that it was far beyond the administration of Kashim Shettima, which lasted between 2011 and 2019.
I will take Reverend Kallamu Musa’s issue raised on the teachings of CRK in both primary and secondary school in Borno state.

As a journalist in Borno state, many who reads my bylines on the pages of the Nigerian Tribune Newspapers knows that I wrote with brave fingers and standing for the truth of what I know. It was on that premise that the late Bishop of Maiduguri, Emmanuel Kana Mani appointed me as the Diocese Director of Press Affairs even though I was coming from another Church. He (late) Emmanuel Kana Mani also gave me the award and honour as the defender of faith. When I write I do so as a journalist and nothing more. My pen to this day is neither Christian or Muslim but I stand for Justice where I stand. I read the publication by the Sahara Reporters with the title: “Former Borno Governor, Shettima Will Show He’s Anti-Christian At National Level If Voted In As Nigerian Vice President.” A statement to which it alleged in that report.
For a fact I know that Senator Kashim Shettima was not the governor of Borno state when the stoppage of teachings of Christian Religious Knowledge was hatched, planned and executed in Borno. Kashim Shettima was still a Banker seeking accounts to raise his cabals during the 1999 and 2003 reigns of late Borno state governor, Mala Abdulsalam Kachallah. So, I don’t know how this relates to his (Shettima’s) administration, which came between 2011 and 2019. I had the opportunity to sit in a group to chat with those who pushed for the removal of CRK in the school curriculum. And I understand what happened and how they force the government of late Mala Kachallah to succumb. This is certainly not about government policy but the inroad to Islamic fundamentalism in the buildup to Boko Haram insurgency in the state. It happened during the administration of late Kachallah and I got to know this during the Modu Sheriff administration where one Malam Buni, a former foot soldiers in the rank of the Yusufia Movement began the discussion on how they fought the Late Mala Kachallah’s government to stop the teachings of Christian Religious Knowledge in government schools in Borno state. That was the period between 2003 and 2011. Kashim Shettima was not the governor of Borno state at that time.
All those who had lived in Maiduguri, the Borno state capital between 1999 and 2003 are aware of the spiritual movement by a section of the Islamic group that later metamorphosis into what is now known as BOKO HARAM. Before then, those who could recalled would agree with me that, these group of people forces the government to remove the Eagle status infront of the Maiduguri Government House. They force the removal of the status of a Horse and it’s rider at the biggest roundabout which leads routes to Post Office Area, GRA and Kashim Ibrahim way. They force the government to remove the status of the Fish at Baga road roundabout leading also to Galadima side.
They also force the removal of the status of Camels on the Custom House roundabout to mention few base on the knowledge of the believe that on the last day Allah will ask them to breath on these status life or face his wrath. These were some of their reasons. When all these was happening, the APC Vice Presidential Candidate Senator Kashim Shettima was still a Banker. So, where did Reverend
Kallamu Musa Ali Dikwa, Director General of the Centre for Justice on Religious and Ethnicity In Nigeria missed out on his analysis to say in his statement that Kashim Shettima was the governor of Borno state when these attrocities were happening?
READ ALSO: https://dailypost.ng/2022/11/02/demand-accountability-improved-healthcare-from-your-leaders-group-tells-borno-community/
On February 18,2006 there was a coordinated attacks on Christians and Churches in Borno state, which gave birth to a reprisal attack on Hausas and Northeners in Anambra state in southeast Nigeria. Fifty-Seven Churches were bunrt down and Christians bleeds. Kashim Shettima was not the governor of Borno state at that time. These are facts and those who keeps history have the dates. Indeed, the Boko Haram conflict NOT it’s establishment started in 2008 and snowball into a major riot in 2009. Majority of the people in Borno state especially Muslims never believed a time would come when they had to flee their homes in mass Exodus because many were relaxed, they never saw the conflict as a flood that would wash away their homes and livelihoods until it happened.
Kashim Shettima took the leadership of Borno state at the time the conflict was at the height of bleeding from everyside. The period between 2011 and 2019 when he leads Borno state, it was full of stories of laughter and pain for every citizen of Borno state who remains at the home front or those who had fled to hibernate or relocated completely. Several time, governor Kashim Shettima appeared frustrated with much that is bleeding inside. There was bashing from all sides that at a point he had to be restrained because he got to a point that he told the media that if he opens his mouth to speak, heads would roll. It goes to show that the pressure was too high on him in the occasion of what transpired and the government at the centre is not will to give a listening ears but are looking for a scarecrow to blame on the politics of human-hodding, the result of which has ended the Jonathan’s administration in the wave of the Buhari emergence.
To blame Kashim Shettima on the abduction of the Chibok School Girls was dramatic given the number of soldiers and other security agencies in the state at that time. The rights of the Federal government to assert it’s powers to prevent such unfortunate occurance that give birth to many other conflict that engulf not only the northeast but the entire northern region, the southeast and some part of the southwest and south-south of Nigerian states was not because the governors were too powerful that they could stop the federal might. So was the case with Borno state during the April 14, 2014 episode.
Reverend Kallamu Musa Ali Dikwa, Director General of the Centre for Justice on Religious and Ethnicity In Nigeria probably knew nothing or very little of what has transpired between 1999 and 2023 Or between 2023 and 2011 to have been running and chasing goose in trying to link Kashim Shettima with happenings around that time in Borno state. Kashim Shettima came at the time of trouble, as a governor he tries to heal the wound by reconstructing Churches hitherto bunrt down by Boko Haram in many villages across Borno state. He should approach the former CAN Chairman, Reverend Titus Pona and the likes Bishop Naga to speak about what the government did or did not do for Christians in the state. He should approach other clargy-men who were there to speak on what the government do on behalf of the Christian communities at that time. They have books and records.
The struggle to stop the teachings of CRK dates back to military era but it could not be achieved. According to Malam Buni, they got the final order to completely implement their plans when democracy returns in 1999 with the coming of the late Mala Kachallah’s government. For peace to reign, he (late Mala Kachallah) reluctantly agreed to their request and they move out as of the Biblical Saul with the zeal to do as they please. Malam Buni is still alive. I recently saw him in Abuja. This has no place in history to do with Kashim Shettima as governor of Borno state as Reverend Kallamu Dikwa would want people to believe from his theories of falsehood.
While politics must come to play, in society like ours, it should be played with the decency of facts especially from so called religious people who are throwing bad theories as historical facts. Reverend Kallamu Dikwa should go back and search the books. On other issues I shall remind him of facts tested by fire. Kashim Shettima would have barbicue the Christians in Borno where he had all the powers as a governor if he has an Anti-Christian policy. But Reverend Kallamu Dikwa should know that religion is bigger than any government especially in a country like Nigeria.
Kashim Shettima: Of Sahara Reporters, The Lies And Satanic Theories of Reverend Kallamu Dikwa
Politics
The NLC vs. Shettima: A Misplaced Blame Game in Labor Rights

The NLC vs. Shettima: A Misplaced Blame Game in Labor Rights
By: Dr. James Bwala
The National Labour Congress (NLC) has taken a critical stance against Vice President Kashim Shettima, alleging that he is shielding Aliko Dangote, a prominent industrialist, from the enforcement of labor laws. This assertion has sparked a heated debate regarding the role of government officials in upholding worker rights and the actual motivations behind the NLC’s criticisms. At first glance, the accusations may seem valid, but a deeper analysis reveals numerous inconsistencies and suggests that the NLC itself might be misdirecting its frustrations and VP Kashim Shettima is right.
I read the lines from a caption on Vanguard Newspapers with deep thoughts; it is imperative to understand the context in which these accusations have been made. The Nigerian labor landscape has faced significant challenges, particularly in the oil sector, where safety, remuneration, and working conditions have been contentious issues. The PENGASAN (Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria) is at the forefront of advocating for oil workers’ rights, and any perceived negligence by government officials, including top leadership, can understandably provoke outrage among its members. However, the NLC’s allegations appear to be more rooted in political maneuvering than substantive labor advocacy.
The NLC’s response to Shettima’s alleged protection of Dangote suggests a failure to appreciate the complexities of governance and the intersection between industry and labor rights. Shettima, as the Vice President, operates within a framework that requires balancing economic growth with labor rights. Dangote Industries represents a significant pillar of the Nigerian economy, contributing to job creation and fiscal revenue. Therefore, while it is vital for labor laws to be upheld, it is equally important to recognize the economic context in which these laws operate. Shielding an influential businessman like Dangote may not necessarily equate to an abandonment of labor rights; instead, it may reflect a broader strategy aimed at sustaining economic stability.
The notion that the NLC is advocating purely for the rights of oil workers becomes questionable when one considers the alleged “trickling profits of PENGASAN.” If NLC leaders are indeed benefiting from the very system they claim to challenge, it raises serious ethical questions about their motivations. Are they genuinely committed to improving labor conditions, or are they merely leveraging their position for personal gain? This potential conflict of interest dilutes the message of the NLC and raises skepticism regarding its criticisms of high-profile figures like Shettima.
One must also consider the implications of a targeted campaign against Dangote. The business environment in Nigeria is already fraught with challenges, including regulatory hurdles, corruption, and infrastructural deficits. Discrediting essential businesses and their leadership could have far-reaching consequences for the economy, disproportionately affecting the very workers the NLC claims to represent. Instead of pursuing a confrontational approach, dialogues and negotiations with industry leaders may lead to more fruitful outcomes for workers. The NLC should consider strategies that involve cooperative engagement rather than baseless allegations, fostering a climate of collaboration that can yield real improvements in labor conditions.
The existing labor laws in Nigeria need to be reevaluated and perhaps revised to meet the changing dynamics of the workforce. In their current form, many of these legislations do not adequately address modern workplace realities. The NLC must prioritize reforming these laws to ensure they protect workers effectively without stifling economic growth. By focusing efforts on legislative improvement rather than personal attacks, the NLC could present itself as a constructive force in the labor movement, focusing on solutions rather than scapegoats.
READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/vp-kashim-shettima-in-president-tinubus-words-competent-capable-reliable-and-able/
The NLC’s criticism does not only undermine its integrity but can also alienate potential allies in the quest for labor reform. Kashim Shettima, being part of the government, could be an instrumental ally in driving positive changes in labor laws if approached correctly. The decision to position him as an antagonist may close off avenues for potential collaboration and thwart progress in labor advocacy. The NLC risks marginalizing itself and losing the support of the very workers it strives to help by adopting this combative strategy.
Critics of Shettima argue that the vice president should unequivocally stand against influential businessmen who disregard labor laws. However, this perspective overlooks the intricacies of leadership and the need for strategic alliances in governance. While Shettima has a duty to uphold labor rights, he also has to consider the broader economic implications of his actions. A nuanced approach to labor relations, taking into account the economic realities facing Nigeria, will ultimately benefit workers more than knee-jerk reactions and targeted blame assessments.
For many Nigerians, it is crucial to acknowledge that the responsibility of upholding labor rights does not lie solely on government officials. Businesses, including Dangote’s, must also take accountability for ensuring fair labor practices within their operations. There is a shared responsibility among all stakeholders—government, labor unions, and businesses—to create a sustainable framework for labor rights. Thus, instead of vilifying individuals, conversations should be directed toward fostering a culture of compliance and ethical practice across all sectors.
While the concerns raised by the NLC regarding labor rights are undoubtedly valid, blaming Vice President Kashim Shettima for allegedly shielding Dangote oversimplifies a multifaceted issue. The NLC must critically evaluate its position, recognizing that effective labor advocacy involves collaboration, dialogue, and a commitment to reforming existing laws for the benefit of all. Rather than waging a dispute based on political posturing, stakeholders should unite in the pursuit of a healthier labor environment that respects both workers’ rights and the economic imperatives of the nation. By doing so, they can transform the narrative from one of contention to a shared vision for progress, ensuring that the interests of Nigerian workers are met with both compassion and pragmatism.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
The NLC vs. Shettima: A Misplaced Blame Game in Labor Rights
Politics
VP Kashim Shettima: In President Tinubu’s words, “Competent, Capable, Reliable, and Able.”

VP Kashim Shettima: In President Tinubu’s words, “Competent, Capable, Reliable, and Able.”
By: Dr. James Bwala
In the contemporary landscape of Nigerian politics, the choice of leadership partners has become a critical discussion point, especially in light of the recent election that brought President Bola Ahmed Tinubu into office. When asked about his selection of Kashim Shettima as vice president, Tinubu articulated four words: competent, capable, reliable, and able. These descriptors not only reflect Shettima’s professional credentials but also signify a deliberate strategy aimed at revitalizing the hope of Nigerians for effective governance. Emphasizing these qualities offers a compelling argument in favor of Shettima’s appointment while countering any skepticism stemming from opposition narratives.
To begin with, the term “competent” underscores the necessity of skill and expertise in governance. Shettima’s track record as the former governor of Borno State is a noteworthy testament to his competence. He served during a period when the state faced severe challenges, particularly due to the Boko Haram insurgency. His ability to implement policies that fostered socio-economic development amidst chaos illustrates not only his technical acumen but also his adeptness in crisis management. This experience is pivotal for Nigeria, a nation grappling with issues ranging from security to economic recession. Competence in leadership ensures that policies are not merely theoretical constructs but actionable strategies tailored to address the nuances of Nigeria’s complex societal fabric.

Shettima’s capability extends beyond mere professional qualifications; it encompasses a unique blend of vision and pragmatism. The socio-political context of Nigeria is fraught with multifaceted challenges that require innovative yet realistic solutions. Shettima has shown an understanding of this intricate balance through various initiatives he spearheaded as governor. His administration focused on infrastructural development, education, and health care—all essential pillars for national growth. By choosing a partner who demonstrates such capability, Tinubu is not just making a political statement; he is assembling a team prepared to confront Nigeria’s pressing issues with informed solutions and strategic planning.
Reliability is another crucial aspect that Tinubu highlights in describing Shettima. In politics, reliability is often synonymous with trustworthiness and consistency. Shettima’s tenure in public service has been characterized by accountability and transparency, traits that are increasingly vital in a political arena often marred by corruption and scandals. For the Nigerian populace to invest their hopes in a new administration, they must feel assured that their leaders are dependable. Shettima’s history of fulfilling promises and maintaining integrity throughout his career establishes him as a figure of reliability—a necessary trait in a vice president who is often required to step into the president’s shoes.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-state-security-service-dg-adeola-oluwatosin-ajayi-and-the-challenges-of-leadership/
The word “able” encapsulates the essence of readiness and capability to perform in high-pressure environments. An able vice president must not only support the president but also be prepared to take the helm in case of unforeseen circumstances. Shettima’s diverse experiences, encompassing governance, public policy, and even crisis intervention, equip him to adapt and respond aptly to any situation. This versatility is paramount as Nigeria undergoes transformations that demand agile responses from its leadership. The pandemic, economic downturns, and security crises present scenarios where an able leader can make significant differences in outcomes.
Critics may argue that Shettima’s background, particularly his association with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the political turmoil in Borno State, tarnishes his reputation. However, such assertions fail to acknowledge the broader context of his accomplishments and the essential qualities that define his leadership. Political affiliations should not overshadow individual merit. Shettima’s resume includes innovative approaches to governance that have garnered both regional and national recognition, proving that his capabilities extend beyond partisan lines.

Amidst opposition claims, it is crucial to recognize that discourse surrounding leadership choices often reflects broader political machinations rather than genuine concerns for national welfare. The framing of Shettima as someone unfit for the vice presidency serves more to galvanize opposition factions than to serve the interests of the Nigerian people. The essence of democracy lies in constructive dialogue and debate, yet dismissive rhetoric without substantial evidence is counterproductive. As citizens engage with political narratives, it is vital to discern between legitimate criticisms and those motivated by the desire to undermine progress. We have seen that in those coming on air to push it from a myopic mind.
For those still talking as we look towards the 2027 general elections, it becomes essential to reiterate that the terms “competence,” “capability,” “reliability,” and “ability” are not mere buzzwords—they are the very foundation upon which effective governance rests. Shettima embodies these attributes, positioning him as an invaluable partner in Tinubu’s vision for a renewed hope for Nigeria. The country faces numerous challenges, and only through a collaborative and well-equipped leadership can Nigeria navigate its path toward prosperity.

As citizens, it is incumbent upon us to critically assess our leaders and their choices, demanding accountability while remaining vigilant against unfounded allegations that seek to derail progress. By focusing on tangible results and the attributes that make effective leaders, we can foster a political culture that values competence and integrity over opportunism. The clarion call for partnership, led by Tinubu and Shettima, emphasizes the notion that effective governance requires teamwork, resilience, and a steadfast commitment to the people of Nigeria. In this shared journey, every Nigerian has a role to play in holding their leaders accountable, ensuring that hope translates not merely into rhetoric but into real, actionable change that uplifts the nation as a whole.
* James Bwala, Ph.D., writes from Abuja.
VP Kashim Shettima: In President Tinubu’s words, “Competent, Capable, Reliable, and Able.”
Politics
2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima

2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima
By: Dr. James Bwala
Recently, the evolving political dynamics in Northern Nigeria ahead of the 2027 presidential election reveal a significant shift in support towards President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima. This change challenges earlier apprehensions surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket, which faced considerable criticism in 2023 for potentially alienating key Christian constituencies within the North-Central and Middle Belt regions. Contrary to these concerns, influential political groups such as the North-Central APC Forum have expressed robust backing for the Tinubu-Shettima ticket, citing sustained regional support driven by strategic appointments of prominent Christian leaders and tangible governance achievements.
I recalled sitting in the congregation on a Sunday morning earlier this year and listening to the preacher. His words struck me with the assurance of faith in the APC administration. It solidifies my continuous advocacy that Nigeria is on the path of the renewed hope promised by the Tinubu and Shettima administration. The charges on the direction this administration is taking and what they were able to achieve further strengthen my appeal for confidence that, like never before in the history of this great country, we have found leaders who are truly committed to bringing back our long-lost hope by the renewal initiative the Tinubu and Kashim Shettima leadership is taking to every doorstepacross Nigeria. A hope—long lost in leadership—is found here with Tinubu and Shettima.
He spoke also on the lingering political questions between the president and his vice, describing the permutations around the rift within the first and second families and predictions by certain classes and groups as evil seeds, which can never come to pass. This has come true with the message of goodwill from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to Vice President Kashim Shettima during the celebration of his 59th birthday. Indeed, the silence that greeted those hoping to see Kashim Shettima replaced confirms the preacher’s testament. The retention of Shettima as running mate is seen not only as a continuation of a winning formula but also as a critical factor in consolidating northern votes estimated to reach up to 90% in certain areas. Indeed, the endorsements from coalitions like the Northern Progressives Coalition underscore an emerging consensus that transcends previous religious and ethnic fault lines, suggesting a recalibration of political allegiances based on performance and perceived stability.
This transition is primarily influenced by several factors, including the performance of previous leaders, regional interests, and the appeal of Tinubu and Shettima as candidates. The North has historically been a vital political bloc in Nigeria. Its immense population translates to significant voting power. Despite the appeal by the coalition leaders, the dissatisfaction of northern voters with candidates like Atiku Abubakar, Nasir el-Rufai, and Peter Obi has been growing. Atiku, a veteran politician, has repeatedly contested for the presidency without achieving success. Many in the North may feel fatigued by his long political career and perceive a lack of fresh ideas or strategies to solve pressing issues.
On the other hand, El-Rufai, despite his role as the Governor of Kaduna State, is often criticized for his handling of security challenges in the region. The North has faced a surge in violence, kidnappings, and terrorism over the years, and some citizens believe el-Rufai’s policies were inadequate. Consequently, confidence in him has diminished as voters seek more reliable leadership in times of crisis.For Mr. Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State, he gained popularity due to his focus on education and economic reforms. However, his appeal may not resonate as strongly in the North, where issues such as security and religious sentiments are of greater concern. As people evaluate their choices, they may prioritize candidates who can address these critical issues effectively.
Whether the opposition agrees or not, those who have been following development in Nigeria know that President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima present a promising alternative for Northern voters. Both have established political careers. Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos State, is known for his influential political machinery and his ability to build alliances across parties. Shettima, his running mate, has been involved in addressing the Boko Haram insurgency during his tenure as governor of Borno State. Their combined experience appeals to voters who are weary of ineffective leadership and are looking for pragmatic solutions to Nigeria’s challenges.
READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/nasarawa-hosts-nigerias-first-vehicular-emissions-testing-centre-driving-green-economy-prospects/
The regional loyalty also plays a crucial role in the upcoming elections. The North may feel inclined to support candidates who are capable of uniting Nigeria. Tinubu and Shettima’s collaborative approach could foster a sense of national cohesion, further solidifying their candidacy in the hearts of Northern voters. As the political landscape evolves in preparation for the 2027 elections, Tinubu and Shettima’s experience, strategies, and ability to address pressing concerns, as shown by their leadership styles, position them as formidable candidates, likely to gain substantial support from the North in the upcoming elections.
While the political trajectory of Nigeria’s presidency under Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima suggests a continued consolidation of power leading into the 2027 election. Observers and party insiders alike have expressed confidence that the duo will secure victory with a significantly wider margin than in the 2023 polls. This assertion is grounded in several factors, including Tinubu’s strategic governance approach, Shettima’s regional appeal, and their combined ability to maintain a broad coalition across Nigeria’s diverse electorate.
Despite initial controversies surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket, which some analysts feared could alienate key voter blocs, the administration has demonstrated inclusiveness and political dexterity that mitigate such concerns. The careful selection of Shettima as vice president was not only a move to balance regional interests but also to strengthen party unity and electoral prospects. Indeed, internal party structures such as those advocated by influential groups like the North-Central APC Forum highlight strong grassroots support for retaining this ticket, emphasizing their proven effectiveness in mobilizing voters across critical regions.
*James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima
-
News2 years ago
Roger Federer’s Shock as DNA Results Reveal Myla and Charlene Are Not His Biological Children
-
Opinions4 years ago
THE PLIGHT OF FARIDA
-
Opinions4 years ago
POLICE CHARGE ROOMS, A MINTING PRESS
-
News2 years ago
EYN: Rev. Billi, Distortion of History, and The Living Tamarind Tree
-
ACADEMICS2 years ago
A History of Biu” (2015) and The Lingering Bura-Pabir Question (1)
-
Columns2 years ago
Army University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.
-
News6 months ago
FAILED COUP IN BURKINA FASO: HOW TRAORÉ NARROWLY ESCAPED ASSASSINATION PLOT AMID FOREIGN INTERFERENCE CLAIMS
-
Opinions2 years ago
Tinubu,Shettima: The epidemic of economic, insecurity in Nigeria