Politics
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
By: Dele Alake
On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.
Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.
In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.
Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.
That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.
While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !
Third term agenda
Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.
Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.
Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence
While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.
Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.
Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.
In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.
False claim of mentorship
Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.
To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.
All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.
Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.
His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.
Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?
He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!
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Capacity to identify and nurture leaders
It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.
The shame of Anambra
Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!
With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.
But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.
Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !
- Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Politics
2027: Oppositions will be shocked when Tinubu, Kashim Shettima unveil their next-level move.

2027: Oppositions will be shocked when Tinubu, Kashim Shettima unveil their next-level move.
By Dr. James Bwala
The impending 2027 presidential election in Nigeria is poised to witness a transformative political strategy that will potentially disrupt existing opposition narratives. President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima are strategically positioning themselves to unveil a groundbreaking political approach that could fundamentally reshape Nigeria’s electoral landscape. Although many in the opposition will wave this revelation with the back of their hands, when this reality unfolds indeed, it will be beyond their dreams.
The potential “next level move” appears to be a sophisticated political maneuver that transcends conventional campaign methodologies. By strategically leveraging their existing political capital and understanding of national dynamics, Tinubu and Shettima are preparing to challenge opposition expectations comprehensively. The emerging campaign strategy suggests a nuanced approach that goes beyond traditional political rhetoric, potentially incorporating technological innovation and targeted demographic engagement.
Moreover, the historical context of their political partnership, rooted in their previous collaborative efforts, provides a strong foundation for their anticipated strategic unveiling. The potential shock factor lies not just in their political maneuver but in their ability to anticipate and preemptively neutralize opposition strategies. This approach demonstrates a sophisticated understanding of Nigeria’s complex political ecosystem, positioning them as potentially transformative political actors in the 2027 electoral landscape.
Their anticipated move is expected to incorporate cutting-edge technology and data-driven strategies that could redefine voter engagement and political campaigning in the country. This innovative strategy is not only expected to enhance their political outreach but also aims to tap into the burgeoning youth demographic, which has increasingly become a pivotal force in shaping electoral outcomes. Their ability to harness these elements effectively could serve as a blueprint for future political campaigns in Nigeria, setting a new standard for engagement and strategy. By addressing these critical elements, Tinubu and Shettima are poised to not only captivate the electorate with their innovative campaign but also potentially disrupt the opposition’s conventional playbook.
This bold move could potentially redefine the political landscape by setting new precedents in how campaigns are conducted and how leaders engage with their constituents. Their focus on leveraging these innovative campaign strategies not only signals a departure from traditional methods but also underscores their commitment to inclusivity and modernization in governance. Their strategic foresight in prioritizing digital engagement and addressing the aspirations of a younger, more connected electorate marks a significant shift in political campaign dynamics.
This strategic evolution not only reflects a profound understanding of the shifting political currents but also highlights their readiness to adapt and innovate in response to an increasingly dynamic and interconnected world. Their anticipated initiatives are expected to resonate deeply with a population eager for progress and innovation. Their forward-thinking approach suggests that they are not merely reacting to current trends but are actively shaping the political landscape to align with future demands.
As they prepare to unveil their next-level move, the duo’s ability to engage with diverse demographics and address pressing national issues is likely to fortify their position on the political stage. Their strategic vision, marked by a blend of tradition and modernity, is poised to challenge conventional political paradigms and redefine governance in Nigeria. Their ability to navigate complex political landscapes and engage with a broad spectrum of stakeholders underscores their commitment to fostering unity and progress within the nation.
Their strategic vision for Nigeria’s future is expected to address the pressing challenges of economic diversification, security, and infrastructure development, thereby positioning the nation on a path toward sustainable growth and stability. Their commitment to addressing these critical areas indicates a strategic foresight that not only aims to elevate Nigeria on the global stage but also seeks to ensure equitable growth and development across all regions of the country. Their next move, characterized by a bold and transformative agenda, is anticipated to not only address existing socio-economic disparities but also to harness Nigeria’s vast potential in technology and innovation.
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This approach, which seamlessly integrates technological advancements with traditional governance practices, is likely to inspire a new wave of political engagement and innovation across the nation. Their focus on cultivating a digitally-savvy workforce and promoting technological education is expected to drive innovation and entrepreneurship, thus providing new opportunities for Nigeria’s burgeoning youth population. Their emphasis on harnessing Nigeria’s youthful energy and creativity is anticipated to transform the economic landscape. Their commitment to bridging the digital divide and fostering an inclusive digital economy is set to revolutionize industries and open up new avenues for growth, ensuring that Nigeria remains competitive in the global market.
Their innovative policies are set to address the long-standing issues of unemployment and economic dependency on oil by fostering a robust environment for startups and small businesses. Their proactive measures to diversify the economy and reduce dependency on oil are likely to not only boost local industries but also attract foreign investments, thereby positioning Nigeria as a hub for innovation and sustainable growth. Their strategic initiatives are expected to significantly reduce economic reliance on oil, thereby addressing one of Nigeria’s most pressing challenges and setting a precedent for sustainable development. Their dedication to addressing these challenges through strategic planning and innovative solutions underscores their vision for a self-sufficient and thriving Nigeria.
With unwavering dedication, these transformative policies are likely to catch the opposition off guard. Their forward-thinking agenda, characterized by an emphasis on digital transformation and economic diversification, is poised to not only enhance Nigeria’s global standing but also fortify its internal socio-economic structures against future uncertainties. Their comprehensive approach to governance, particularly in tackling systemic issues like corruption and inadequate infrastructure, further solidifies their commitment to sustainable development and could potentially redefine the political landscape in Nigeria.
The ability to navigate complex political landscapes with strategic acumen and innovative thinking clearly indicates that Tinubu and Kashim Shettima are way ahead of the 2027 mastermind calculations for the keys to Aso Rock. And this is likely to leave the opposition unprepared for the sweeping changes that Tinubu and Shettima are set to introduce. Their adeptness at leveraging technology and fostering public-private partnerships is anticipated to revolutionize key sectors, such as healthcare and education, making these services more accessible and efficient for all Nigerians.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: Oppositions will be shocked when Tinubu, Kashim Shettima unveil their next-level move.
Politics
El-Rufai: A calculated yet potentially ineffectual strategy to challenge Tinubu and Shettima’s re-election bid in 2027.

El-Rufai: A calculated yet potentially ineffectual strategy to challenge Tinubu and Shettima’s re-election bid in 2027.
By: Dr. James Bwala
The recent political maneuver by former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, left many political observers laughing. El-Rufai remains a new clown in the political arena since his rejection as a minister from Kaduna State under the Tinubu administration. El-Rufai’s defection to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) represents a calculated yet potentially ineffectual strategy to challenge President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima’s 2027 reelection bid. El-Rufai’s move, characterized by claims of ideological divergence from the APC, appears more rooted in personal political ambitions than substantive systemic transformation, which he continually hopes Nigerians believe.
Critical analysis suggests that El-Rufai’s defection is symptomatic of intra-elite power reconfiguration rather than a genuine oppositional movement. The strategic repositioning reflects deeper fractures within Nigeria’s political landscape, where elite negotiations supersede meaningful democratic representation. While El-Rufai attempts to mobilize opposition figures like Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar, the fundamental power structures remain remarkably unchanged.
Ultimately, the proposed alliance faces significant challenges. The fragmentation of opposition forces, combined with the APC’s entrenched political machinery, renders El-Rufai’s efforts potentially futile. His defection might be interpreted as a symbolic gesture rather than a substantive challenge to the incumbent administration, highlighting the persistent limitations of Nigeria’s contemporary political dynamics. He has been seen moving from one big political figure to another, including going to the home of the former president in an attempt to give credence to his moves, yet he could not clean up the traces of his aging and diminishing relevance in the circle of politics. Despite El-Rufai’s efforts, the entrenched political dynamics and the lack of a cohesive ideological framework within the opposition diminish the likelihood of any substantial electoral upset in 2027.

The lack of a unified vision and coherent policy proposals among these opposition figures only exacerbates their inability to present a credible alternative to the electorate. Given the historical context of electoral politics in Nigeria, the absence of a cohesive opposition strategy further compounds the challenge of altering the status quo, rendering El-Rufai’s defection more an act of political theater than a catalyst for genuine change. Moreover, the entrenched interests and loyalties within the APC continue to present formidable barriers to any meaningful opposition realignment.
The political landscape appears to be more about individual ambitions and less about a unified front capable of mounting a serious challenge to the incumbent powers. This scenario underscores the cyclical nature of political realignments in Nigeria, where shifts often reflect personal ambitions rather than a genuine ideological departure from established norms. While El-Rufai’s attempts to forge alliances with other opposition figures such as Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar, and Rabiu Kwankwaso signal a desire to create a formidable coalition, the reality remains that such alliances often crumble under the weight of competing interests and personal ambitions, leaving the electorate disillusioned with yet another cycle of political theatrics. Moreover, the historical pattern of political defections in Nigeria suggests that such moves are often perceived as mere strategic repositioning rather than genuine ideological shifts.
Despite the theatrical nature of these political maneuvers, the entrenched power dynamics and loyalty networks within Nigeria’s political landscape make it exceedingly difficult for any new coalition, no matter how strategically crafted, to truly upend the status quo. While El-Rufai’s intentions may appear bold, they are unlikely to disrupt the deeply entrenched political machinery that has long favored incumbents like Tinubu and Shettima.
Despite these efforts, the pervasive influence of existing political structures suggests that any such coalition is more likely to fracture under pressure rather than mount a successful challenge. Given the entrenched interests and historical voting patterns, it appears unlikely that such a coalition could effectively disrupt the established political dominance of Tinubu and Shettima in the upcoming election. This skepticism is further compounded by the perception that El-Rufai’s defection and subsequent coalition-building efforts are more about personal political survival than a genuine commitment to transformative change. Despite the apparent allure of a united front, the reality remains that these alliances often falter under the weight of conflicting agendas and entrenched political loyalties. Moreover, the historical precedent of political realignments in Nigeria often results in temporary alliances that lack the cohesion necessary to present a formidable challenge to established power structures.
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The skepticism surrounding El-Rufai’s defection is echoed by the Nigerian Presidency and APC, who dismiss his move as a futile endeavor motivated by personal ambition rather than a genuine ideological shift. Indeed, El-Rufai’s maneuver is less about ideological realignment and more a reconfiguration of elite power dynamics within the ruling class. As observed by many political analysts, the political landscape remains largely unchanged, with the same elite power dynamics at play, suggesting that any perceived threat from El-Rufai’s move is unlikely to materialize into a significant challenge.
This skepticism is further reinforced by the broader historical context of Nigerian politics, where similar attempts to consolidate opposition forces have often unraveled due to internal dissent and the prioritization of individual ambitions over collective goals. Additionally, the inherent volatility of such coalitions, often marred by a lack of unified vision and the dominance of competing interests, further diminishes their potential to unseat entrenched incumbents. Historical patterns also suggest that such coalitions often struggle to sustain momentum and coherence, especially when faced with the entrenched influence of incumbents like Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima.
Given this context, El-Rufai’s efforts to rally opposition figures like Peter Obi and others around the SDP banner might appear ambitious, but without a cohesive strategy or compelling ideological narrative, such alliances are prone to fragmentation and ultimately ineffectual in altering the prevailing status quo.
The entrenched political machinery supporting President Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima possesses significant resources and influence, making it a formidable barrier for any nascent coalition lacking internal solidarity and a resonant national platform. Despite these strategic maneuvers, the historical precedent and current political landscape suggest that El-Rufai’s efforts may ultimately falter against the deeply entrenched systems supporting Tinubu and Shettima.
The historical resilience of incumbent structures in Nigerian politics, characterized by their adept patronage networks and control over vital state apparatuses, presents another significant challenge for any opposition coalition seeking to disrupt the status quo. Without a clear ideological foundation and a unified agenda that resonates with the broader electorate, such attempts are often perceived as mere political repositioning rather than genuine efforts to instigate meaningful change. In 2027, President Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima will take the oath again for the second time, and El-Rufai will still have no political credibility to make a difference in Nigeria’s political circle.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
El-Rufai: A calculated yet potentially ineffectual strategy to challenge Tinubu and Shettima’s re-election bid in 2027.
Politics
2027: Vice President Kashim Shettima will rewrite Nigeria’s political campaign history again.

2027: Vice President Kashim Shettima will rewrite Nigeria’s political campaign history again.
By: Dr. James Bwala
The rise of Vice President Kashim Shettima as a transformative political figure in Nigeria’s electoral scene marks a dramatic shift in national campaign dynamics. His strategic approach to political participation reveals a deep awareness of Nigeria’s complicated sociopolitical landscape, which could reshape standard campaign strategies come 2027.
Kashim Shettima’s national and international engagements with those who are closely monitoring the unveiling of political groundbreaking can attest to the fact that, for every move the Vice President makes in the service of Nigeria under the renewed hope presidency, a man to watch for in the unfolding events of Nigeria’s 2027 campaigns and elections. Shettima’s political career reveals an exceptional ability to cross regional, ethnic, and ideological lines. His approach goes beyond traditional political narratives, providing a complete perspective that solves complex national concerns. By emphasizing collaborative governance and progressive policy frameworks, he departs from previous campaign rhetoric, which frequently promoted contentious techniques above genuine national growth.
The implications of Shettima’s potential campaign are profound. His strategic positioning suggests an innovative political methodology that could fundamentally reconstruct Nigeria’s electoral discourse. By prioritizing substantive policy discussions over inflammatory rhetoric, he represents a potential turning point in the nation’s political communication strategy, potentially establishing a new benchmark for future political engagement and national discourse.
Kashim Shettima’s expected 2027 campaign trajectory will be more than just an electoral tactic; it will mark a potential paradigm shift in Nigerian political communication and governing philosophy. This transition towards a more inclusive and issue-focused campaign could serve as a stimulus for other political personalities to adopt similar techniques. His transparent and accountable leadership style has the potential to encourage a new generation of Nigerian politicians to prioritize the country’s communal well-being before partisan interests.
By fostering a political environment where dialogue and cooperation are prioritized, Shettima’s campaign could potentially set the stage for a more stable and unified Nigeria. Such a transformation would not only redefine the political landscape but also resonate with citizens across diverse spectrums. His forward-thinking approach, which aligns with the principles outlined in the APC’s action plan for renewed hope, could potentially address longstanding national issues through innovative solutions. By utilizing strategies that emphasize inclusivity and innovation, Shettima’s campaign could potentially harness the diverse strengths of Nigeria’s population, addressing key challenges in areas such as national security and economic development. By integrating the principles outlined in the APC’s action plan for renewed hope, Shettima could pioneer a campaign that effectively addresses national security and economic challenges through collaborative and forward-looking policies. By cultivating a platform that prioritizes transparency and accountability, Shettima’s campaign has the potential to redefine political engagement in Nigeria.
His inclusive and forward-thinking approach could serve as a roadmap for future campaigns aimed at bridging gaps and fostering national unity. This method has the potential to spark a new age of political campaigns that prioritize all Nigerians’ interests and voices, instilling a sense of common ownership and participation in the country’s democratic process. Shettima may use his experience and understanding of Nigeria’s complicated sociopolitical milieu to develop techniques that not only resonate with voters but also set new norms for campaign conduct and communication.
By utilizing data analytics and social media platforms, Shettima’s campaign could pave the way for innovative campaign methods that use technology and grassroots mobilization to engage with citizens on an unprecedented scale. This approach could not only energize the youth and marginalized communities but also foster a sense of inclusivity and shared purpose across Nigeria’s diverse population.
Shettima’s campaign could also build trust among the electorate, addressing long-standing issues of political skepticism and apathy. This innovative strategy could redefine the traditional dynamics of political engagement in Nigeria, making campaigns more interactive and impactful than ever before. By integrating real-time feedback mechanisms, the campaign could adapt swiftly to public opinion and concerns, ensuring that its message remains relevant and responsive to the needs of all Nigerians.
The potential for such a transformative campaign strategy aligns with the broader vision outlined in the APC’s action plan. With the APC’s emphasis on progressive good governance and innovative solutions, Shettima’s campaign could serve as a model for how political campaigns are conducted in the digital age. This forward-thinking approach and utilizing cutting-edge technologies, Shettima’s campaign could serve as a beacon for how political movements can evolve to meet the demands of modern society.
By demonstrating a commitment to inclusivity and innovation, Shettima’s campaign stands to not only win votes but also inspire a new generation of political leaders in Nigeria. By leveraging these strategies, Shettima has the potential to galvanize widespread support and set a precedent for future political campaigns in Nigeria. By fostering strategic alliances with grassroots organizations and leveraging the power of social media, Shettima’s campaign could further amplify its reach and impact across diverse demographics.
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Shettima’s campaign prioritizes transparency and open dialogue, fostering trust and unity among the electorate, leading to a more cohesive and engaged democratic process. By incorporating data-driven insights and leveraging artificial intelligence to tailor campaign messages, Shettima’s approach could redefine voter engagement methodologies in Nigeria, setting a new standard for political communication.
Shettima’s campaign, by deliberately targeting major policy issues like national security, the economy, and infrastructure development, has the potential to powerfully resonate with the electorate’s need for new hope and progress. Shettima’s ability to articulate a vision that addresses both urgent needs and long-term aspirations may catch the imagination of people seeking meaningful change and sustainable development. Shettima’s campaign, which demonstrates a commitment to inclusive governance and addresses Nigeria’s multifarious difficulties, has the potential to inspire a new age of political participation and innovation in the country’s democratic landscape.
These innovative strategies demonstrate a steadfast commitment to progressive good governance. Shettima’s campaign has the potential to not only reshape political discourse but also to set a precedent for future campaigns in Nigeria. By fostering a culture of transparency and accountability, Shettima’s campaign could also build trust among voters, which is crucial for sustaining democratic institutions and promoting civic engagement.
Shettima might effectively mobilize support across diverse groups by focusing on grassroots participation and using digital platforms to reach a larger audience. Shettima’s campaign could fine-tune its outreach techniques by leveraging the power of emerging technologies and social media analytics, ensuring that the message of renewed hope reaches every part of the country. His approach has the potential to create a new standard for engaging with the voters, emphasizing both the importance of policy and the necessity for a genuine relationship between leaders and individuals.
Dr. James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
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