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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

  • Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

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Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

By: Yahaya Wakili

Governor Mai Mala Buni CON of Yobe State has vowed to appeal to aggrieved aspirants to step down for the government-preferred candidate of the party, Baba Mallam Wali FCAN, MNI, before the primary election date.

Governor Buni disclosed this yesterday while receiving thousands of members of the crowd of All Progressives Congress (APC) supporters from all 17 local government areas of the state at the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport, Damaturu.

He commended Senator Ahmed Ibrahim Lawan, Senator Musa Mustapha, former Inspector General of Police Usman Baba Alkali, and other aspirants for stepping down for the preferred candidate, Baba Mallam Wali, and noted that he would work tirelessly to see that the remaining aggrieved aspirants also stepped down for Wali.

“We should avoid banter, name-calling, and abuse; it is not in our culture and character. We must not tolerate it,” Governor Buni tells the crowd of party supporters.

He praised the steadfast support of the party’s members, which he said was credited with the successful outcomes of his administration, including the significant developmental projects, such as the construction of the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport.

Governor Buni further assured that next year our pilgrims will be airlifting to Saudi Arabia from this airport, Inshallah, and very soon the commercial business activities will commence, of which all the Yobeans would benefit.

“All the good work we executed in the areas of health care delivery, education, agriculture, the roads we are constructing, and security—all these developmental projects we executed all along with Baba Mallam Wali, and inshallah, he will come and continue with them.” 

He called on the people to offer prayers for peace in our country and to pray for the general elections to be conducted peacefully, as well as to pray Almighty Allah unites us, the people of Yobe State and Nigeria as a whole.

Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

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Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

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Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

By: Austin Aigbe

Policy and Strategy Expert
Abuja – can be reached: aigbeomoruyi@mail.com

As Nigeria heads to the 2027 general elections, the political environment offers a dynamic and diverse contest that can inspire hope and engagement among pundits interested in shaping the country’s democracy. At the centre of the 2027 contest stands President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the established power of incumbency.

Challenging him is Peter Obi, now repositioned under the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), with a strong alliance with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, an arrangement increasingly described by supporters as the “OK Movement” (Obi–Kwankwaso).

Meanwhile, Atiku Abubakar, of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), continues to insist that only a Northern candidate possesses the electoral arithmetic to defeat Tinubu.

Alongside these heavyweights is Seyi Makinde, who announced his debut under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) – Alliance for Progressive Movement (APM) partnership, introducing a younger technocratic alternative seeking to transcend traditional elite politics.

Adding yet another layer of intrigue is recurring speculation surrounding a possible return of former President Goodluck Jonathan as a consensus or stabilising candidate in a deeply polarised political atmosphere. Together, these developments are reshaping the 2027 elections into more than a contest for power.

They represent a broader national argument about zoning, competence, generational transition, inclusion, and the future architecture of democracy.

Bola Tinubu and his strong political machinery instil confidence about the prospects of stability and continuity in leadership. His broad political reach and entrenched alliances suggest a resilient foundation for his campaign.

The president’s supporters argue that his administration inherited deep structural economic distortions and that difficult reforms, i.e, the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the Naira, were unavoidable if the country were to avoid long-term fiscal collapse.

For the APC, 2027 will likely be framed as a choice between continuity and uncertainty. The party’s central message may be that reforms require time and political stability to mature into measurable national gains. The president’s strongest political asset remains his ability to build coalitions across regional and ideological divides. His influence in the South West remains substantial, while the APC continues to maintain significant structures across the North.

The Tinubu administration faces mounting pressure from worsening economic hardship, inflation, insecurity, and declining purchasing power. While many Nigerians acknowledge the necessity of reform, public frustration increasingly centres on the social consequences of those reforms.

No doubt, Tinubu’s re-election campaign may ultimately depend on whether voters perceive sufficient economic recovery before 2027. The zoning debate further muddies.

Traditionally, many political stakeholders expect a Southern president to complete two terms before power rotates Northward. Tinubu’s supporters may therefore campaign against Atiku that altering the arrangements in 2027 would violate the spirit of political balance underpinning Nigeria’s informal rotational plan.

Among opposition formations, the alliance between Mr Peter Obi and Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, on the platform of the NDC, is significant because it could reshape the electoral landscape and challenge the status quo. The “OK Movement” carries significant symbolic and electoral implications.

Obi brings substantial urban youth support, middle-class reformist energy, and the enduring momentum of the civic mobilisation and the Obedient Movement observed during the 2023 elections. Kwankwaso, on the other hand, brings grassroots Northern political structures, deep influence in Kano and parts of the North West, and an established populist network through the Kwankwasiyya movement.

The Obi–Kwankwaso alliance may address one of the major criticisms of Obi’s 2023 campaign: limited penetration in the core Northern voting blocs. With Kwankwaso as an ally, the ticket could potentially build a bridge between Southern reformist enthusiasm and Northern populist mobilisation. Supporters of the movement argue that it represents a new national identity built around inclusion, generational transition, and institutional reform rather than traditional elite patronage.

The movement may especially appeal to younger Nigerians frustrated with the dominance of longstanding political establishments. But challenges remain. Critics argue that managing the ideological and strategic ambitions of both camps could prove difficult. Questions also persist, whether online enthusiasm can positively translate into nationwide electoral structures capable of competing against the APC’s entrenched machinery, as it is said locally, there are no polling units on social media.

Former vice-president, Atiku Abubakar, approaches 2027 with a strategic focus, asserting that only a Northern candidate has the electoral strength to defeat Tinubu and unify key voting blocs. This argument reflects both demographic realities and longstanding patterns within Nigerian electoral politics.

Northern voting strength remains essential to presidential victory calculations, and Atiku’s supporters believe that fragmenting Northern political influence would merely strengthen Tinubu’s path to re-election. From this perspective, Atiku presents himself not simply as a candidate but as a pragmatic electoral solution. His extensive political network, cross-regional alliances, and decades of national visibility continue to make him a formidable political figure.

However, critics contend that insisting on a Northern presidency after only one Southern term risks undermining the spirit of zoning and reinforcing perceptions of political entitlement. Many Southern stakeholders would likely view such a move as an attempt to prematurely reverse the rotational balance that has helped stabilise the nation’s democracy since 1999. His argument that the North has served for a limited term since then does not hold water if he backdates the argument to 1960 (from independence).

Added to this, Atiku’s repeated presidential ambitions may reinforce voter fatigue, especially among Nigerians seeking generational renewal and ideological revolution rather than familiar elite contentions.

Still, dismissing Atiku would be politically unwise. Nigerian elections are often won not only through popularity, but through identity politics, coalition management, elite negotiation, and organisational reach, all areas where Atiku remains highly competitive.

Governor Seyi Makinde and the Technocratic Recalibration. The emergence of Seyi Makinde under the PDP–APM alliance introduces another compelling dimension to the 2027 contest.

Unlike many traditional political heavyweights, Makinde increasingly projects himself as a governance-oriented technocrat seeking to reposition politics around competence, innovation, and administrative credibility. His supporters point to his governance record in Oyo State, his relatively moderate political style, and his appeal among younger professionals and reform-minded voters. More importantly, Makinde’s candidacy directly challenges Nigeria’s conventional zoning assumptions. Traditionally, the expectation remains that presidential power should rotate North after the completion of a Southern presidency in 2031.

However, Makinde’s emergence complicates this arithmetic by arguing, implicitly and explicitly, that governance performance should matter as much as geography. In this sense, Makinde represents a broader intellectual shift within Nigerian politics: the gradual movement from “whose turn is it?” toward “who can govern effectively?” His candidacy may therefore resonate with younger voters increasingly frustrated by elite rotational bargains that have not necessarily produced accountable governance.

Nevertheless, Makinde’s challenge remains structural. National elections require deep grassroots networks, extensive funding, and broad political alliances. While his technocratic image strengthens his credibility, transforming state-level popularity into nationwide electoral viability remains a difficult undertaking.

The Goodluck Jonathan Question: Consensus or Political Nostalgia? Recurring speculation surrounding Goodluck Jonathan reflects the growing uncertainty within Nigeria’s political landscape.

Though Jonathan has not formally declared interest, discussions around his possible return reveal broader anxieties about political stability, national cohesion, and the search for a less polarising figure. Former President Jonathan’s democratic credentials remain significantly strengthened by his peaceful concession of power in 2015, widely regarded as one of the most important moments in Nigeria’s democratic history.

Supporters therefore view him as a stabilising statesman capable of calming political tensions and rebuilding elite consensus. Jonathan, with one more term, appeals to the zoning debates. Jonathan’s candidacy resonates with President John Mahama of Ghana, who returned after eight years and won.

The 2027 presidential election is gradually transforming into one of the most significant democratic contests in the country’s modern history. More than a battle between parties, it represents competing visions of national identity, governance, inclusion, and democratic evolution.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu offers continuity, institutional stability, and incumbency. Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso present a reformist coalition seeking to bridge generational and regional divides through the OK Movement. Atiku Abubakar advances a strategy rooted in Northern electoral arithmetic and coalition politics. Seyi Makinde embodies technocratic recalibration and merit-based leadership.

Goodluck Jonathan reflects the appeal of consensus and national reconciliation in uncertain times.

Will the 2027 election be a three, four or five-horse race?

Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

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Zulum: Leadership, humility And humanity

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Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, Borno state governor

Zulum: Leadership, humility And humanity

By: Dr. James Bwala

In the tapestry of leadership narratives, few stories resonate as profoundly as that of Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, the Governor of Borno State. His journey from humble beginnings to the pinnacle of political power epitomizes resilience, humility, and an unyielding connection to one’s roots. Recently, I watched a short video where the Borno State governor was addressing a gathering of some high and mighty in the country. And giving them a life example during the meeting touches the heart. Professor Zulum’s reflections on his past, contrasting the genuine friendships forged in adversity with those cultivated in affluence, underscore a compelling lesson for contemporary leaders about authenticity, empathy, and the imperative to remain grounded amidst success.

Professor Babagana Umara Zulum’s story is not just a biography; it is a testament to the transformative power of perseverance and divine mercy. Raised in a modest village environment by a peasant farmer, he epitomizes the archetype of a self-made individual who navigated the vicissitudes of life with dignity and an unwavering commitment to his values. For fourteen years, Zulum labored as a commercial driver, a vocation far removed from the corridors of power he now inhabits. Yet, it is precisely this past—marked by simplicity and struggle—that shapes his present ethos. Unlike many public figures who might obscure or distance themselves from such origins, Zulum embraces it as a cornerstone of his identity, an anchor against the storms of ego and detachment often induced by status.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

The distinction he draws between “the friends of the governor” and “the friends of the child who grew up in the village” is both poignant and instructive. The former are often acquaintances drawn to power and influence, transient, and contingent on the privileges of office. This reminds me of the piece I read about the son of the late president, Yusuf Buhari, whose stories reflected the kinds of friends we met at that social status. The latter, however, endures through hardship, shared experiences, and mutual support. These true friends recognize Zulum not merely as a governor but as Babagana Umara Zulum—the man who once sat beside them in village paths and knew the sting of poverty firsthand. This distinction illuminates a broader social phenomenon: the alienation leaders frequently encounter as they ascend politically and economically, often resulting in a loss of authentic human connections.

Zulum’s insistence on keeping his past “close to his chest” speaks volumes about his leadership philosophy. It is a conscious resistance against the arrogance and superiority that can accompany public office. This I can attest to when, indeed, I witnessed his firsthand humility during the 2023 campaign at the home of the vice president, Kashim Shettima, where he met me and Hon. Unus Merami chose to come and sit with us while waiting for the VP-elect then. The approach, the laughter, and the pleasantry with which he communes with us, throwing a friendly handshake and laughter, show this point he was sharing with the high and mighty because at that moment we were not looking at the governor of Borno State despite the security details he came with but the son of Borno meeting with common men and his kin. 

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

Indeed, by refusing to allow “the euphoria of his present status” to cloud his judgment or demeanor, Zulum models a form of leadership deeply rooted in humility. Such a mindset is critical in governance, especially in regions like Borno State, where poverty, insecurity, and socio-economic challenges are pervasive. Leaders who remain empathetic and connected to their origins are better positioned to craft policies that genuinely reflect the needs and aspirations of their constituents.

A particularly salient aspect of Zulum’s reflection is his critique of ostentatious displays of wealth, exemplified by his statement that he never sent his wife to Saudi Arabia or Dubai for shopping at the expense of the impoverished masses. In a world where leadership is often measured by visible extravagance rather than substance, this stance is a radical affirmation of solidarity with the less fortunate. He acknowledges the harsh reality faced not only by families in Borno but also across Nigeria—millions living in poverty, grappling daily with deprivation and despair. By consciously avoiding indulgence that could exacerbate social inequalities, Zulum positions himself as a steward of public trust rather than a beneficiary of public office.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

This reflection serves as a clarion call to all leaders: the positional power they wield must not detach them from the lived realities of their people. Instead, it should amplify their responsibility to serve with compassion and integrity. Leaders must remember that offices are temporary, yet the bonds formed through adversity and authentic friendship constitute an enduring support system. These true friends—as Zulum aptly notes—might very well be the only family one has “when all is done.” This reinforces the concept of relational leadership, wherein personal connections and community ties enrich governance and ensure accountability.

I salute my governor and brother. Indeed, Zulum’s narrative challenges the pervasive culture of leadership detachment and elitism. In many developing contexts, political figures often prioritize personal gain and status symbols, distancing themselves from the populace they are meant to serve. This phenomenon breeds distrust and disenfranchisement, eroding the social contract fundamental to democratic governance. Babagana Umara Zulum’s example disrupts this pattern by advocating a leadership style that is empathetic, frugal, and deeply connected to the grassroots.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

On a broader scale, this discourse invites reflection on the nature of friendship and loyalty in the arena of public service. Are the companions who surround a leader in office genuine allies invested in the common good, or do they represent transactional relationships shaped by accession to power? Zulum’s differentiation encourages leaders to nurture and cherish relationships forged in authenticity, as these are the ties that sustain character and purpose beyond the tenure of office.

Babagana Umara Zulum embraced his humble origins and maintained close ties with his early friends. This exemplifies how leaders can harness their life stories as sources of strength and moral clarity. Rather than perceiving one’s past as a stigma or obstacle, it becomes a reservoir of wisdom and empathy. This perspective is invaluable in societies marked by inequality, fostering leadership that prioritizes inclusivity and social justice.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

Professor Babagana Umara Zulum’s reflections offer a profound critique of leadership detached from humility and genuine human connection. His life trajectory—from a peasant farmer’s son and commercial driver to governor—embodies resilience, groundedness, and a steadfast commitment to the welfare of his people. He stood tall, differentiating between superficial friendships tied to power and the enduring bonds born of shared struggle; he underscores a vital lesson for contemporary leaders: to lead effectively, one must remain anchored in authenticity, compassion, and service.

The mercies that elevated Zulum to his current station are a reminder that leadership is not merely about status but about stewardship—a covenant with the people that calls for constant remembrance of where one came from and whom one serves. Ultimately, as Zulum poignantly suggests, true friends and memories of humble beginnings are the compass that guides leaders through the complexities of governance, ensuring they remain connected to the heart of their communities long after the spotlight fades.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Zulum: Leadership, humility And humanity

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