Politics

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Published

4 years ago

January 2, 2023

News Net Global

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Politics

2027 VP Certificate of Return: The Triumphant Shettima

Published

13 minutes ago

July 17, 2026

News Net Global

Vice President, Kashim Shettima

2027 VP Certificate of Return: The Triumphant Shettima

By: Dr James Bwala

The formal presentation of the All Progressives Congress (APC) vice-presidential nomination certificate to Vice President Kashim Shettima by President Bola Tinubu at the State House in Abuja marks a historic moment in Nigeria’s political landscape. This event is not merely ceremonial; it signifies the consolidation of a strategic political partnership and underscores the indispensable role of the vice presidency in national governance and electoral calculations. The critics who have underestimated the political significance of the vice-presidential office, relegating it to a position of symbolic presence confined to social functions, must now reconsider their stance. Vice President Kashim Shettima emerges not only as a formidable political figure but also as a master in governance, diplomacy, and relationship building, making him the ideal running mate for the 2027 presidential election.

The fallacy that Shettima serves only as a figurehead or mere attendee at weddings and funerals fails to appreciate the sophisticated political dynamics underlying such social engagements. In the complex web of Nigerian politics, public appearances at community events are far from trivial. They represent critical opportunities for leaders like Shettima to forge bonds, nurture trust, and demonstrate empathy with various constituencies. This aspect of grassroots engagement is very important for political sustainability and electoral success, especially in a nation as ethnically and regionally diverse as Nigeria.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/kashim-shettima-the-imperative-of-agricultural-revitalization-and-the-case-for-the-niger-deltas-agrarian-future/

Vice President Shettima’s approach over the past three years under President Tinubu’s administration exemplifies a transformative model of vice-presidential leadership. Unlike his predecessors, who often remained distant or disengaged from the public beyond official duties, Shettima has established himself as the most sociable and accessible vice president in Nigeria’s recent history. His consistent presence across the six geopolitical zones—attending significant social, religious, and cultural events—reflects a profound understanding of Nigeria’s sociopolitical fabric. This strategy has enabled him to cultivate a broad base of support that transcends ethnic and regional divides, an asset invaluable to any national campaign.

The ability to emotionally connect with people through shared experiences at weddings, funerals, and other communal gatherings creates a lasting impact that goes beyond superficial visibility. It stirs a deeper level of connection, fostering loyalty and goodwill towards the leadership. Shettima’s sensitivity to these moments has rendered him not just a political figurehead but a trusted representative of the people, fulfilling the crucial role of bridging government and citizenry. Such engagement is fundamental to democratic governance and a testament to his political acumen.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/kashim-shettima-the-imperative-of-agricultural-revitalization-and-the-case-for-the-niger-deltas-agrarian-future/

The lessons gleaned from Shettima’s network-building efforts reveal a nuanced grasp of power and influence unique for effective leadership. Politics, especially in a federal system like Nigeria’s, requires more than policy expertise; it demands strategic alliances and interpersonal relationships. Shettima’s success in cultivating friendships and collaborations among diverse political actors has strengthened both his profile and the APC’s reach. This extensive networking capacity reinforces his suitability as a vice-presidential candidate who can unite various factions and present a cohesive front in the 2027 elections.

The significance of Shettima’s receipt of the certificate of return extends beyond personal triumph; it symbolises the resilience of democratic processes within the APC and the broader Nigerian polity. Despite detractors and so-called “wishy-washers” who sought to undermine his candidature, the vice president’s nomination confirms the party’s confidence in his leadership qualities and electoral appeal. It sends a clear message that the vice-presidency is a vital component of executive power and electoral strategy—a partnership essential for steering Nigeria towards stability and progress.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/kashim-shettima-the-imperative-of-agricultural-revitalization-and-the-case-for-the-niger-deltas-agrarian-future/

In addition, Shettima’s persona as the “people’s vice president” and “Jagoran Arewa” (Leader of the North) impact deeply with the northern electorate and beyond. His background and proven track record furnish him with the legitimacy and moral authority to address regional concerns while maintaining national unity. This dual appeal is critical in a country where ethnic and regional identities profoundly shape political allegiances. His ability to balance these identities within the framework of national integration positions him as a unifying figure capable of advancing inclusive governance.

Critics who diminish the vice-presidential role overlook the institutional and constitutional responsibilities that the office entails. The vice president is not merely a standby official but an active participant in policymaking, governance, and representation. Shettima’s tenure has demonstrated commitment to these responsibilities, often spearheading initiatives and representing the presidency on critical domestic and international platforms. This proactive stance challenges outdated perceptions and elevates the office’s relevance in contemporary Nigerian politics.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/kashim-shettima-the-imperative-of-agricultural-revitalization-and-the-case-for-the-niger-deltas-agrarian-future/

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s presentation of the APC vice-presidential nomination certificate is a landmark achievement that validates his political stature and strategic importance. His journey from perceived marginalisation to political prominence showcases the power of relationship-building, empathy, and visionary leadership.

As Nigeria approaches the 2027 presidential elections, Shettima stands as a testament to the evolving nature of the vice presidency—one characterised by active governance, broad-based support, and commitment to the nation’s unity and progress. The triumph of Shettima is not just a personal victory; it is a collective affirmation that strong, socially engaged leadership at all levels of government is indispensable for Nigeria’s democratic future. Congratulations to the people’s vice president and Jagoran Arewa on this well-deserved milestone.

*James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

2027 VP Certificate of Return: The Triumphant Shettima

Politics

The Fear Of Shettima: Atiku, Amaechi Draws New Blueprint to Battle Tinubu in 2027

Published

5 days ago

July 13, 2026

News Net Global

Vice President, Kashim Shettima

The Fear Of Shettima: Atiku, Amaechi Draws New Blueprint to Battle Tinubu in 2027

Dr, James Bwala

As Nigeria hurtles towards the 2027 general elections, a palpable tension underlines the political landscape. Behind closed doors, strategic alignments and calculated meetings signal a brewing contest not just between the established parties but within their ranks as well. Central to this unfolding drama is the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential ticket’s choice of Kashim Shettima as Bola Tinubu’s running mate—a development that has stirred considerable anxiety among key opposition players, particularly within the African Democratic Congress (ADC). From the grapevine, the opposition’s focus is less on Tinubu himself and more on the formidable political threat posed by Vice President Kashim Shettima. This was further examined on how Atiku Abubakar and Rotimi Amaechi are crafting a new political blueprint to counter this threat, reshaping Nigeria’s electoral battlefield well before votes are cast in 2027.

At the centre of the 2027 electoral chessboard lies the ADC’s conscious strategy to challenge the APC from both inside and outside traditional power structures. The party’s recent activities unveil a concerted attempt to recalibrate Nigeria’s political dynamics, particularly in the North, where the influence of Kashim Shettima is most pronounced. The narrative emerging from the discreet yet intense meetings involving Atiku Abubakar and other political heavyweights underscores the gravity with which the opposition views Shettima’s ascendancy. This fear is not merely individual or symbolic; it is reflective of a deeper recognition that Shettima represents a rejuvenated force capable of galvanising northern politics in favour of the APC’s continuity.

To appreciate why Shettima evokes such apprehension, one must examine his political trajectory and the implications of his vice-presidential nomination. Kashim Shettima, former governor of Borno State and a stalwart within the APC, commands significant respect and influence in the northern geopolitical zones. His governance record in Borno State, marked by efforts to combat insurgency and foster development amid adversity, has elevated him beyond mere party politics to a symbol of resilience and leadership. Aligning with Tinubu, a southern powerbroker, Shettima crafts a cross-regional ticket designed to bridge Nigeria’s ethno-political divides—a factor that considerably strengthens their presidential bid’s appeal.

It is precisely this potent combination that has galvanised opposition figures like Atiku Abubakar, Amaechi, and their allies to devise meticulous plans aimed at counterbalancing Shettima’s rise. Their behind-the-scenes meetings—such as Atiku’s engagement with Senator Abdullaziz Abubakar Yari and Amaechi’s consultations with political heavyweights like Aminu Waziri Tambuwal and Abubakar Malami—reflect a deliberate effort to consolidate northern interests under alternative leadership. These alliances betray an understanding that cracking the APC’s grip on northern votes necessitates presenting credible and relatable candidates who can align with the electorate’s aspirations.

The opposition’s tactical moves extend beyond mere coalition-building. There is a clear orchestration of information campaigns targeting Shettima’s political and personal history meant to erode his public image. By deploying media platforms with carefully curated narratives, the opposition seeks to undermine Shettima’s credibility, thereby diluting the APC’s combined ticket strength. This strategic attack underscores a keen political calculation: that diminishing Shettima’s influence is the key to destabilising Tinubu’s overall electoral equation. It is telling that these efforts focus primarily on Shettima rather than Tinubu, highlighting the vice-presidential candidate’s important role in this contest.

This intense focus on Shettima also exposes evolving trends in Nigerian politics, where the vice-presidential candidate’s profile increasingly affects electoral outcomes. Traditionally, presidential candidates have dominated public discourse, but Shettima’s selection signals a shift—showcasing how regional representation, personal charisma, and security credentials can decisively sway voter sentiment. The opposition’s acknowledgement of this reality by tailoring their strategies accordingly reflects a nuanced understanding of Nigeria’s complex electoral calculus.

However, it is necessary to recognise that the opposition’s blueprint is not merely reactionary but also visionary. The alliances being put in place with certain APC stalwarts and influential figures across the political spectrum, Atiku and Amaechi are attempting to forge a broader coalition transcending ethnic, religious and party lines. This approach aims to neutralise the APC’s hegemonic hold by offering a compelling alternative that speaks to national unity and inclusive governance. Such a vision could impact powerfully with an electorate weary of entrenched partisanship and yearning for effective leadership.

Critics may argue that this intense preoccupation with Shettima risks overshadowing substantive policy debates and reducing the election to personality clashes. While this concern merits consideration, it is important to recognise that Nigerian politics historically intertwines personalities with policy, given the country’s diverse socio-political fabric. Hence, electoral strategies naturally gravitate towards leveraging influential individuals who embody broader ideological and regional narratives. In this context, the opposition’s emphasis on Shettima is a pragmatic response to the realities of Nigerian electoral politics, not an aberration.

The proactive steps being taken by the ADC and its allies demonstrate a mature political strategy rooted in early engagement and organised planning. By initiating conversations and stakeholder engagements well ahead of 2027, they are positioning themselves to avoid last-minute surprises and build momentum over time. This long-term approach contrasts with episodic and reactionary campaign tactics seen in past elections, underscoring a strategic evolution within Nigeria’s opposition circles.

The emergence of Kashim Shettima as Bola Tinubu’s running mate has profoundly reshaped the dynamics of Nigeria’s 2027 presidential race. The opposition’s fear, centred on Shettima rather than Tinubu, is a testament to the vice-presidential candidate’s political capital and symbolic weight. Atiku Abubakar’s and Rotimi Amaechi’s engagement in intricate political manoeuvres and alliance-building exemplify a sophisticated blueprint designed to counter the APC’s strengthened ticket. This evolving scenario highlights the changing nature of Nigerian politics, where regional representation, personal influence, and strategic coalition-building will likely determine electoral success.

As the 2027 elections approach, Nigerian voters and political observers alike should watch closely how these behind-the-scenes calculations translate into public campaigns and ultimately shape the nation’s democratic trajectory. The battle against Shettima—and by extension, the APC—has only just begun, promising a fiercely contested and consequential electoral season ahead.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

The Fear Of Shettima: Atiku, Amaechi Draws New Blueprint to Battle Tinubu in 2027

Politics

Kashim Shettima: When Loyalty Pays

Published

6 days ago

July 11, 2026

News Net Global

Vice President, Kashim Shettima

Kashim Shettima: When Loyalty Pays

By: Dr James Bwala

In Nigerian politics, loyalty is frequently tested, and the allegiance of political actors can sway as swiftly as public opinion. Yet, amidst this volatility, we stood, and our steadfastness not only shaped the trajectory of Tinubu and Shettima’s alliances but also solidified the very foundation of their successful leadership during the last three years of the administration. Vice President Kashim Shettima’s emergence again as President Bola Tinubu’s running mate for the 2027 elections is a vivid testament to his strategic stewardship, loyalty and partnership. If there are any lessons we learnt from VP Kashim Shettima, they are his calmness in the face of a storm.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/special-report-when-governor-zulum-announces-government-plans-to-employ-50-youths-each-across-27-local-governments-in-borno/

VP Kashim Shettima epitomises the indispensable pillar of Tinubu’s ticket, embodying resilience, dedication, and a vision that transcends mere political expediency. His journey together with Tinubu is not just a political coincidence but a deliberate and principled alliance—a bond forged through trials, mutual respect, and shared aspirations for Nigeria’s future.

For the gravity of Kashim Shettima’s role in the Tinubu ticket, it is essential to understand the context within which their partnership flourished. Nigerian politics, much like any other democratic system, is riddled with factionalism, shifting loyalties, and the constant jockeying for power and influence. Against this backdrop, many politicians have allied themselves opportunistically, aligning only when it benefits their immediate ambitions.

And during those days even those of us who are learning to hold the robes, some of us, have given way. By contrast, my unwavering support for Shettima over the years and in those trying moments has never wavered, even when circumstances appeared unfavourable. This constancy is not simply a matter of personal affinity but a calculated commitment grounded in conviction and trust—qualities that are rare and invaluable in Nigerian political circles, as my brother and friend Hon. Yunus Mairami, who has been following my articles, penned in his few lines with prayers that swell my emotions.

READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/special-report-when-governor-zulum-announces-government-plans-to-employ-50-youths-each-across-27-local-governments-in-borno/

For me, Kashim Shettima’s significance on this ticket extends beyond his political stature or the formal title he now holds as vice president. He symbolises the “life of the Tinubu ticket” because he brings more than just electoral advantage; he brings a narrative of resilience and authenticity. When the path appeared uncertain, when scepticism about the Muslim-Muslim ticket permeated political discourse, and when other politicians scrambled to reposition themselves in pursuit of favour, I remained resolutely by Shettima’s side. Not because I thought this day would come, but I knew it would come, and here we are.

This was not naive optimism but a deliberate stance anchored in deep belief—not only in his character but also in the strategic soundness of our coalition. Political battles are often likened to storms, and while many sought shelter amid the tempest, we chose to stand firm on a solid ground of trust and shared purpose. The biblical story of King David and his men in the Cave of Adullam serves as an apt metaphor for this loyalty. David’s companions who endured hardship alongside him in the cave were those who ultimately ascended with him to the palace.

The truth about leadership and loyalty is that those who remain steadfast during moments of obscurity and struggle deserve to share in the rewards of victory. Although they said this principle does not reflect the Nigerian system, I believe this principle guides my relationship with Shettima. He never forgets. Our alliance was not forged out of convenience or fleeting advantage but through shared battles and unyielding faith. Such loyalty is not blind allegiance; it is a recognition of genuine leadership and an affirmation of enduring values.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/special-report-when-governor-zulum-announces-government-plans-to-employ-50-youths-each-across-27-local-governments-in-borno/

I met critics, a lot of them, on this journey, who asked me about the viability of the Muslim-Muslim ticket in the Nigerian political reality, given the country’s complex religious and ethnic diversity. They argue that such a pairing risks alienating significant constituencies and igniting tensions. I have stood on the ground that, if it did not happen in 2023, it will not happen in 2027 because Nigeria is more than a religious chessboard. Today, we celebrate again the selection of Shettima as Tinubu’s running mate. This is a strategic masterstroke that defies simplistic interpretations based solely on identity politics. It is a testament to the maturity and vision of both leaders, signifying a commitment to unity, national integration, and the transcendence of divisive narratives. Shettima’s track record in the last three years demonstrates his capacity for effective governance and resilience in the face of adversity. These qualities make him not just a symbol of loyalty but an embodiment of a competent and courageous leader.

The political landscape in Nigeria demands partnerships that are rooted in trust and mutual respect rather than transactional calculations. The political arena is deeply impacted by intrigue, shifting allegiances, and often self-serving manoeuvres. In such an environment, Shettima’s steadfastness provides a stable anchor for the Tinubu campaign. When many doubted his place on the ticket, and when internal forces applied pressure to reconsider the alliance, my support never faltered. This is the hallmark of a loyal soldier—one who does not waver in the face of adversity but remains committed to the cause and the leader. Such loyalty is not merely symbolic; it is a strategic asset that strengthens the ticket’s cohesion and credibility.

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The role of loyalty in political success cannot be overstated. Historical and contemporary examples alike illustrate that the most enduring political triumphs are often those built on relationships of trust and shared sacrifice. Loyalty fosters unity, mitigates internal divisions, and galvanises collective effort towards common goals. In the case of Tinubu and Shettima, this loyalty is not unidirectional. Shettima himself has publicly acknowledged the steadfastness of his supporters and allies, recognising that political victories are the product of collaborative dedication. This mutual recognition fortifies the partnership, enhancing its resilience against external pressures and internal dissent.

The congratulatory messages I have received from many quarters underscore a broader recognition of Shettima’s important role on Tinubu’s ticket. His selection and the affirmations are not mere pleasantries but reflections of the political community’s acknowledgement of his contributions and potential. The prayers for me to be among the recipients of a victory award signify solidarity and confidence in the shared journey towards electoral success. It is a collective endorsement of the values of loyalty, perseverance, and principled leadership that Shettima embodies. Such communal validation reinforces the argument that Shettima is indeed the lifeblood of the Tinubu ticket. I salute the President for the courage and belief he has in Kashim Shettima.

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The emergence of Vice President Kashim Shettima as President Tinubu’s running mate for the 2027 elections is a historic and strategically sound development. It is the culmination of a loyal partnership forged through mutual respect, shared struggles, and an unwavering belief in a common vision for Nigeria. Against the backdrop of political opportunism and uncertainty, Shettima stands out as a figure of integrity and resilience—qualities that are indispensable for sustaining a successful political alliance and for guiding Nigeria towards stability and progress.

Loyalty nourishes leadership and ensures that those who endure together triumph together. With Vice President Kashim Shettima, the Tinubu ticket is not merely positioned to win an election; it is poised to lead Nigeria with a united and purposeful heart. I congratulate him now and always, confident that our shared commitment will yield victory and a lasting legacy come 2027.

Kashim Shettima: When Loyalty Pays