Politics

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Published

4 years ago

January 2, 2023

News Net Global

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Politics

2027: Governorship Materials Yobe to Choose

Published

19 hours ago

September 11, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

2027: Governorship Materials Yobe to Choose

By: Yahaya Wakili

As the political landscape of Yobe State begins to coalesce around the impending 2027 governorship elections, a palpable sense of anticipation grips the electorate. With approximately 120 days remaining until the contest, discussions and permutations are rife, reflecting a deep-seated desire among the populace to identify a successor for Governor Mai Mala Buni CON, COMN. Drawing upon their administrative experience, political acumen, and the manifestos they present. The selection of a new governor is not merely an electoral formality but a critical juncture that will shape the state’s trajectory in governance, development, and the continuation or redirection of existing policies.

Among the prominent figures vying for the state’s top seat, Alhaji Baba Malam Wali Mni, an All Progressives Congress (APC) aspirant from Zone C, stands out due to his extensive administrative background. As the longest-serving secretary to the state government in the northeastern region, Wali boasts a wealth of experience in public administration. His supporters posit that this deep understanding of governance mechanisms makes him exceptionally qualified to build upon the achievements of the incumbent administration. His career has been characterized by a commitment to public service, suggesting a readiness to tackle the complex challenges of governing Yobe State. This experience, particularly in navigating bureaucratic structures, could translate into efficient policy implementation and effective resource management, crucial for sustainable development.

Barrister Kashim Gana Geidam of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), hailing from Zone A, presents a compelling case through his diverse roles. His tenure as a former Commissioner of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and previously as Yobe State Commissioner of Justice equips him with a unique perspective on electoral processes and legal frameworks. This dual experience in election management and legal affairs signifies an understanding of democratic tenets and the rule of law, fundamental to fostering a stable and just society. His background suggests a capacity for reasoned decision-making and a commitment to upholding the integrity of governance. The insights gained from INEC would be invaluable in ensuring fair electoral practices, while his legal expertise could strengthen judicial independence and legislative processes.

From Zone B, Dr. Mohammed Dawud (DMD), representing the Young Progressives Party (YPP), emerges as a candidate symbolizing a new generation of leadership. As a lecturer at Yobe State University, he brings an academic perspective to politics, potentially advocating for policies rooted in research and evidence based on data. His youthfulness is often seen as an asset, suggesting a capacity for innovation and a fresh approach to governance, untethered by the constraints of long-established political norms. While his direct administrative experience might be less extensive than some older contenders, his intellectual grounding and potential to connect with younger demographics are significant advantages. His approach could invigorate public discourse and introduce novel solutions to the state’s problems.

Honorable Aji Kolo of the Labour Party (LP), also from Zone A, offers a blend of public service and private sector acumen. A retired Director of Finance and Supply (DFS) within the Yobe State government, his career has been steeped in financial management and administrative oversight. Furthermore, as the Managing Director/CEO of Ajiko Pharmacy Limited, he has demonstrated entrepreneurial skills and a capacity for leadership in the private sector. This combination of public financial expertise and business management experience could be instrumental in driving economic growth and ensuring fiscal responsibility. His experience in managing resources, both within government and the private sector, positions him as a candidate capable of prudent financial stewardship and promoting economic development initiatives.

Each candidate brings a distinct set of strengths to the table. Alhaji Baba Malam Wali Mni’s extensive administrative record provides a foundation of proven competence in governance. Barrister Kashim Gana Geidam offers a unique blend of electoral and legal expertise, crucial for democratic stability. Dr. Mohammed Dawud represents a forward-looking perspective, potentially driving innovation. Honorable Aji Kolo combines financial management skills with entrepreneurial drive, promising economic dynamism.

However, each also faces potential challenges. Wali’s established presence might be perceived by some as representing continuity rather than change, potentially limiting his appeal to those seeking a radical departure. Geidam’s electoral background, while valuable, might not fully translate into broad executive leadership experience. Dr. Dawud, despite his intellectual prowess, may need to demonstrate his ability to navigate the practicalities of political power and mobilize a broad coalition of support. Honorable Aji Kolo, while possessing strong financial and business skills, might need to articulate a clear vision for broader governance beyond economic matters. The electoral success of each will depend on their ability to articulate their vision effectively, connect with the diverse needs of Yobe’s population, and build robust political alliances. The electorate will weigh these factors carefully as they approach the crucial decision in 2027.

As the state approaches this pivotal moment, political analysts and stakeholders are keenly examining the strengths and weaknesses of the leading contenders, including Alhaji Ibrahim Shu’aibu of the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), Hon. Alhaji Abdullahi Usman Maigida of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the strategically positioned Baba Malam Wali Mni. Alhaji Ibrahim Shu’aibu, representing the NDC from Zone B, brings a wealth of administrative experience to the political arena. As a retired longest-serving permanent secretary across various ministries in Yobe State, his tenure signifies a deep understanding of governance and public service delivery. This institutional knowledge, coupled with his extensive experience within the civil service, positions him as a candidate with the capacity for pragmatic policy implementation and efficient administration. His background suggests a candidate who is likely to prioritize stability and continuity, drawing upon established structures and processes to drive progress.

In contrast, Hon. Alhaji Abdullahi Usman Maigida of the PDP, also from Zone B, presents a different profile. A well-established business mogul in Potiskum and a recognized figure in Yobe State politics, Maigida’s strengths lie in his economic acumen and established networks. His business background suggests a leader who understands the dynamics of wealth creation and economic development, potentially bringing a fresh perspective to tackling unemployment and fostering private sector growth. His political visibility further indicates a capacity for mobilizing support and engaging with the electorate on a grassroots level.

A particularly compelling narrative, as highlighted by political analysts like Alhaji Muhammadu Garba, revolves around Baba Malam Wali Mni. Garba’s analysis emphasizes Wali’s significant opportunity to win the 2027 election due to his hailing from Zone C. This zone has historically been overlooked in the distribution of executive power since the return to democracy in 1999, having never produced a governor or deputy governor. This unique position confers upon Wali a strong claim to represent a significant segment of the electorate that feels marginalized. Analysts like Mr. Johnson Illiya further bolster Wali’s prospects by emphasizing his “institutional knowledge of every corner of Yobe State,” coupled with “necessary qualifications, competencies, and credibility vital for effective governance.” This suggests a candidate who possesses both the intimate understanding of the state’s needs and the requisite skills to address them.

Beyond individual candidacies, a prevailing sentiment among political analysts in Yobe State is the urgent need for “purposeful leadership” and “real change.” This underscores a collective desire for a governor who can navigate the state towards progress and development. The call for a leader who is “experienced and committed to the progress of the people” resonates across different political platforms and voter demographics. This sentiment suggests that while past experiences and established networks are valuable, they must be coupled with a forward-thinking vision and a genuine dedication to public welfare.

The assertion by Malam Abdu Wanzam Gadaka that Dr. Mohammed Dawud is “more qualified and deserving than the other candidates” adds another dimension to the discourse, even though Dr. Dawud is not elaborated upon in the same detail as others. Gadaka’s plea for Yobeans to “vote based on merit” and set aside “personal interests” highlights a growing awareness and desire for a meritocratic approach to leadership selection. This perspective suggests that voters are increasingly looking beyond party affiliations and ethnic considerations to evaluate candidates based on their demonstrable abilities and their potential to deliver effective governance.

The comparison between these candidates reveals a nuanced political landscape. Shu’aibu offers administrative stability, Maigida brings economic dynamism, and Wali represents a potent claim for regional equity and a deep understanding of the state’s fabric. The overarching demand for purposeful leadership and change serves as the backdrop against which these individual strengths will be weighed. The eventual success of any candidate will likely depend on their ability to articulate a compelling vision for Yobe State’s future, demonstrate their capacity to implement that vision, and resonate with the electorate’s desire for meaningful progress.

Yahaya Wakili, a journalist, writes from Potiskum.

2027: Governorship Materials Yobe to Choose

Politics

Kashim Shettima: Dirty Datti and his Tinubu cap theory

Published

5 days ago

September 7, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Kashim Shettima: Dirty Datti and his Tinubu cap theory

By: Dr James Bwala

The controversy surrounding Vice President Kashim Shettima’s political symbolism has recently gained renewed attention following remarks by Datti Baba Ahmed, who questioned Shettima’s authenticity by asserting that he does not wear the Asiwaju cap—a potent emblem associated with political allegiance to President Tinubu and his Renewed Hope agenda. Baba Ahmed further challenged observers to enquire why Shettima refrains from donning this symbolic headgear and cited purported advice from Marabouts discouraging him from doing so.

Well, let’s just say that politics is here again and big men lie for cheap gains. Datti Baba Ahmed did not do his homework well to start attacking Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettima, for not wearing President Tinubu’s cap as he alleged. Let me also assure Malam Datti Baba Ahmed, the Mauritanian boy from a Marabouts clan, that the APC is not a cult organisation that requires marabouting to see vision, and Kashim Shettima is not a figure that pretends loyalty or demonstrates such by constantly following what others choose to do for themselves.

The dirty Datti theory and claims overlook the visible reality. VP Shettima indeed wears the Asiwaju cap at public events and actively promotes the administration’s vision for national renewal, thereby aligning himself with Tinubu’s political identity. While Dattigan’s style reveals a deeper struggle over narrative control and political loyalty within Nigeria’s evolving power dynamics, he often misses the point when he makes attempts on Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettima. We know his history and respect his family, but he keeps dragging them into his political mud. Attacking Shettima will only open a can of worms about the dirty Mauritanian journey to Nigeria, something we do not want to discuss out of respect for the larger Baba Ahmed’s family.

However, there is a debate regarding Shettima’s use of the Asiwaju cap. Datti wants to draw that it transcends mere fashion, and it encapsulates questions of symbolism, representation, and perceived commitment to a collective political project. Contrary to Datti Baba Ahmed’s assertions, Vice President Shettima’s actions represent more than just the act of wearing a cap. His consistent public appearances as Nigeria’s vice president demonstrate not only his visible endorsement of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda but also challenge the notion that only wearing Asiwaju’s cap speaks loyalty.

Vice President Kashim Shettima embodies a rich cultural heritage that is deeply rooted in the Kanuri ethnic identity and lineage from the historic El-Kanemi dynasty. This background not only shapes his personal character but also informs his political demeanour and leadership style, distinguishing him as a well-cultured personality within Nigeria’s complex socio-political landscape. Contrary to some criticisms levelled by figures such as Datti Baba Ahmed, who question Shettima’s prolonged tenure and political relevance, it is essential to recognise that Shettima’s identity transcends mere political positioning; it reflects a profound connection to his cultural roots and values. Shettima’s modernist approach to life and relationships that prioritise self-reliance and rational governance over traditional mystical practices did not align with Datti Baba Ahmed’s claims, which often hold sway in certain northern Nigerian communities, where the “Yan”bori Marabouting culture breathes.

The partnership between Bola Tinubu from the South West and Kashim Shettima from the North East symbolises more than just a political alliance of cap wearing; it represents an intentional fusion of diverse regional identities aimed at fostering national unity. This north-south alliance not only bridges ethnic and regional divides but also showcases a shared commitment to progressive governance grounded in cultural authenticity and mutual respect. Moreover, Shettima’s commitment to cultural integrity and pragmatic leadership underscores the strength of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership as a model for inclusive governance that respects Nigeria’s diverse ethnic fabric while advancing a forward-looking political agenda. This cultural authenticity, combined with a pragmatic and forward-thinking leadership style, enables Shettima to navigate the complexities of Nigerian politics without resorting to traditional or mystical shortcuts, thereby reinforcing his image as a modern statesman rooted in Kanuri heritage.

This synergy between Tinubu and Shettima not only exemplifies the political maturity needed to address Nigeria’s complex ethno-regional dynamics but also highlights how leaders grounded in their cultural identities can collaboratively drive national progress without succumbing to divisiveness or archaism.

James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja
Kashim Shettima: Dirty Datti and his Tinubu cap theory

Politics

2027: Borno will never witness another Gubio tragedy

Published

7 days ago

September 5, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

2027: Borno will never witness another Gubio tragedy

By: Dr. James Bwala

The recent ambush on Hon. Mustapha Gubio’s convoy, the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in Borno State, by suspected ISWAP terrorists along the Gubio–Kareto–Damasak road has reignited fears about the ongoing insurgency in northeastern Nigeria. This incident not only highlights the security challenges that political figures face in areas plagued by militant violence but also brings back haunting memories of a similar tragedy from 2011.

Back then, another governorship candidate from Borno, the late Fannami Gubio, tragically lost his life on what became known as “Black Friday,” a day marred by political violence and chaos. The recurrence of such attacks reveals a disturbing trend where violent extremist groups disrupt political processes, aiming to undermine governance and democratic engagement.

The mixed reactions from news vendors and local communities reflect the complicated relationship between fear, resilience, and political involvement in conflict-affected regions. This latest attack serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing instability in Borno State and the pressing need for stronger security measures to protect not just political figures but also the wider civilian population caught in the crossfire of insurgency.

This incident underscores the persistent threat posed by ISWAP in the area and highlights the crucial need for continuous military vigilance and community collaboration to prevent such attacks from derailing the democratic process. In light of these events, it’s essential for both the government and security agencies to ramp up their efforts to dismantle terrorist networks in Borno State, ensuring that political activities can continue without the shadow of violence or intimidation looming over them.

The attack on Thursday highlights the persistent challenges that political figures in Borno State are grappling with, as insurgent groups like ISWAP take advantage of security weaknesses to disrupt elections and instill fear in both candidates and voters. This troubling trend of repeated assaults along vital routes, such as the Gubio–Kareto–Damasak road, not only jeopardizes the safety of political leaders like Mustapha Gubio but also hampers crucial transportation and economic activities. This situation calls for a robust strategy that tackles the underlying causes of insurgency, encourages socio-economic growth, and promotes inclusive governance to pave the way for lasting peace in Borno State.

To strengthen these efforts, it’s essential for the government to improve intelligence gathering and foster community engagement initiatives that empower local residents to become vigilant partners in security. This approach can help shrink the operational space for insurgents like ISWAP. To genuinely protect the democratic process and safeguard candidates like Mustapha Gubio, security agencies must not only react quickly to attacks but also adopt proactive measures that incorporate local intelligence and community collaboration to prevent future threats.

While the immediate response to the recent attack was commendable, it’s evident that without ongoing and coordinated efforts that blend military vigilance with community resilience and development programs, such incidents will keep undermining the stability of Borno State. Achieving lasting peace in Borno State hinges on ensuring that military actions are paired with continuous community engagement and socio-economic development initiatives that address the root issues exploited by insurgent groups.

James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja

2027: Borno will never witness another Gubio tragedy