Politics

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Published

2 years ago

January 2, 2023

News Net Global

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

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Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

News

PDP Chieftain urges Nigerians to vote for Atiku in 2027

Published

24 hours ago

December 21, 2024

Ochuwa Ibrahim

PDP Chieftain urges Nigerians to vote for Atiku in 2027

By: Yahaya Wakili

A chieftain of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Yobe State, and also a strong supporter of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Wazirin Adamawa, Malam Usman Mohammed Dan Takunne, has urged Nigerians, both Muslims and Christians, to come out en masse to vote for Atiku Abubakar in the 2027 general elections.

Malam Usman Mohammed Dan Takunne is from the Jakusko local government area of Yobe state. In 2023, he trucked from Yobe state to Yola, Adamawa state, barefoot to express his happiness because of the victory of Wazirin Adamawa in the primary election.

“Voting for Atiku Abubakar Wazirin Adamawa as the President of Nigeria is only the solution to the problems that are dividing the country now, and Nigerians are facing the consequences under the APC administration. They’re crippling the country’s economy, he said.

According to Dan Takunne, APC has failed Nigerians, and if Atiku Abubakar becomes the president everybody in Nigeria will enjoy, you will not hear the cases of suffering, hunger, poverty, insecurity, kidnapping, banditry, and other cases of criminality in the country.

“PDP rules this country for 16 years, and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar was the vice president for a good 8 years. Everybody enjoyed this country, both the PDP, APC, and even the other parties, religious leaders, and masses; everybody enjoyed the dividend of democracy, and there is no discrimination in PDP administration, Dan Takunne said.

Dan Takunne maintained that, now that the APC has scattered the country’s economy, life has become worse; therefore, there is a need to continue praying now in this country. Nigerians are in danger; let us sit down and rethink very well and vote for Atiku Abubakar Wazirin Adamawa as a president in 2027 to rescue this country from collapse.

“I am sure the minds of Nigerians have turned now on Atiku Abubakar; everybody has abandoned that man and his party, and everybody is praying for Wazirin Adamawa to come in 2027, and we are praying no doubt he will win, Insha Allah, by the grace of God.” He added.

If Wazirin Adamawa becomes the president in 2027, within six months everything will be normal in this country; our economy will improve drastically, and the issues of insecurity, hardship, poverty, criminal activities, and other suffering of people will become a history in the country.

PDP Chieftain urges Nigerians to vote for Atiku in 2027

Politics

Of Nigeria and Britain: Between Vice President Shettima and Kemi Badenoch

Published

6 days ago

December 17, 2024

News Net Global

Of Nigeria and Britain: Between Vice President Shettima and Kemi Badenoch

Of Nigeria and Britain: Between Vice President Shettima and Kemi Badenoch

By: Dr. James Bwala

The recent conversation between Nigerian Vice President Kashim Shettima and UK politician Kemi Badenoch highlights the complexity of national identification and the responsibilities associated with heritage. Shettima’s condemnation of Badenoch’s harsh remarks about Nigeria emphasizes an important facet of leadership: the necessity to cultivate pride in one’s origins, particularly among public personalities. His bold proposal that Badenoch “remove the Kemi from her name” if she is not proud of her Nigerian heritage exemplifies a larger debate over leaders’ accountability to their native country.

Contrasting Badenoch’s words with those of Rishi Sunak reinforces Shettima’s claim; Sunak has maintained a positive narrative about his Indian origin, demonstrating the critical role that leaders have in shaping perceptions. While Badenoch affirms her right to discuss personal experiences and criticisms about Nigeria, leaders must strike a balance between open speech and constructive patriotism. This occurrence prompts contemplation on how people in positions of power manage their dual identities while representing their country on global forums.

Shettima not only defends Nigeria’s image but also stimulates a broader discussion about leaders’ roles in creating a balanced narrative that recognizes both challenges and accomplishments within their cultural heritage. In this context, Shettima’s leadership goes beyond criticism; it represents a challenge to leaders to engage in dialogues that not only solve concerns but also celebrate the rich tapestry of their cultural landscapes.

Shettima’s approach emphasizes the necessity of leaders functioning as both critics and ambassadors, inspiring positive change and harmony in their communities. Shettima’s approach urges leaders to accept a dual role in which they may be forthright about difficulties while still serving as guardians of hope and progress for their countries. Shettima emphasizes the importance of leaders constructively addressing their legacy with a feeling of duty that extends beyond personal complaints.

In light of this, Shettima’s remark is a heartbreaking reminder of the power leaders wield in influencing perceptions and instilling national pride. Shettima’s nuanced approach calls for a contemplative and forward-thinking leadership style, one that recognizes the complexity of identity while working to bridge gaps and encourage inclusivity. Shettima’s leadership calls on other leaders to reconsider their roles as cultural guardians capable of influencing global perceptions and fostering a sense of collective identity.

Shettima’s challenge to Badenoch’s narrative not only preserves Nigeria’s integrity but also establishes a precedent for leaders to engage in productive debates that foster understanding and mutual respect. Shettima’s gentle correction of Badenoch highlights the significance of respectful discussion and a shared commitment to truth in creating an environment in which traditional narratives are not only preserved but also embraced. In doing so, Shettima shows the role of a leader who views constructive criticism as a tool for empowerment rather than alienation, arguing for narratives that are both introspective and globally relevant.

Shettima navigates this difficult subject by emphasizing the importance of a balanced depiction of one’s background as well as acknowledging the different experiences that define individual identities. Shettima displays a leadership style that promotes constructive engagement over divisive language by creating an environment conducive to dialogue among various viewpoints.

In response to Badenoch’s statements, Shettima underlined the significance of respecting and enjoying one’s ancestry while engaging in constructive criticism. Shettima underscores the idea that constructive criticism should try to enhance rather than denigrate by drawing parallels with leaders such as Rishi Sunak, who appreciate their past without dismissing it. By contrasting Badenoch’s complaints with Rishi Sunak’s pleasure in his Indian background, Shettima effectively advocates for a balanced discourse that recognizes the complexity of one’s cultural story while calling for development and reform.

While this has created significant disagreement among Nigerians, many support Shettima’s approach. This support is due to a sense of national pride and a desire for constructive criticism rather than disparagement. Shettima’s claim that Badenoch’s words denigrate her Nigerian ancestry resonates with residents who believe that criticism should be based on love and a desire to improve, rather than contempt.

The divergent responses of Shettima and Badenoch illustrate opposing views on national identity. While Badenoch stresses corruption and insecurity in Nigeria, which are unquestionably important issues, many Nigerians believe her approach lacks nuance and fails to recognize the country’s potential. Supporters think that displaying achievements with criticisms promotes a more fair discussion about Nigeria’s future.

Nigerians’ support for Shettima demonstrates a shared desire for unity and pride in their country. Instead of perpetuating negative preconceptions, they argue for an approach that stimulates debate and seeks solutions. In this setting, supporting Shettima is interpreted as opposing external narratives that do not truly reflect Nigeria’s intricacies. Nigerians who support Shettima are not only defending their country’s image but also arguing for a more dignified narrative that embraces Nigeria’s rich cultural legacy and growth.

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This collective mood reflects a deeper desire by Nigerians to recover their narrative and exercise control over how their country is seen on a global scale. This shift to a more positive and self-determined narrative is critical for instilling national pride and encouraging residents to actively participate in the country’s progress. This change towards empowerment and self-representation is critical to redefining Nigeria’s position in the international arena.

I believe that this movement is about instilling in Nigerians a sense of ownership and responsibility to address their own difficulties while enjoying their triumphs, rather than simply responding to external criticism. Simultaneously, this support for Shettima’s position demonstrates a rising awareness among Nigerians of the importance of constructively engaging with their country’s difficulties rather than letting external criticism define their identity. This expanding consciousness is evident in public discourse, which is increasingly emphasizing constructive criticism and collaborative attempts to address national concerns.

Indeed, Kemi Badenoch’s recent utterances on Nigeria have raised serious worries about her potential disloyalty to Britain. Badenoch’s criticism of Nigeria, notably her categorization of northern sections as terrorist havens, appears to emphasize political expediency over a thorough understanding of her country. Such disparaging remarks not only alienate a sizable segment of the Nigerian diaspora but also indicate a readiness to abuse her background for personal advantage. This action could imply that if she can easily betray her native nation, she may also discard British ideals when politically expedient.

I am afraid that this pattern of denunciation may reflect a wish to disassociate herself from Nigeria’s poor image and appeal to British voters. However, this raises concerns about her honesty and loyalty. The “double agent dilemma” suggests that voters may interpret her comments as evidence of underlying disloyalty. Ultimately, Badenoch’s rhetoric may indicate that she is more concerned with political ambition than with defending the principles connected with any nation.

Her stance, marked by the strategic denunciation of her roots, could be interpreted as a tactical strategy to strengthen her position in British politics at the expense of true commitment. Such actions may give British residents the impression that her commitment is more motivated by personal ambition than by national loyalty. This view may weaken trust among constituents, who expect constant commitment to their country’s interests.

This loss of trust could have serious consequences for her political future, as people may look for leaders whose commitment is seen as absolute and steadfast. This sense of opportunism may cause voters to wonder whether her commitment is actually to the country she serves or whether it is only for her personal progress in the political scene. This doubt about her motives may lead people to gravitate toward candidates whose commitment to national interests is unquestionable.

* Dr. James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Of Nigeria and Britain: Between Vice President Shettima and Kemi Badenoch

Politics

Kashim Shettima: The personality traits of a leader in Nigeria’s growing democracy.

Published

4 weeks ago

November 25, 2024

News Net Global

Nigeria's Vice President, Kashim Shettima

Kashim Shettima: The personality traits of a leader in Nigeria’s growing democracy.

By: Dr. James Bwala

Visionary leadership is crucial for sustainable development in Nigeria’s dynamic and frequently volatile political environment. Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettima, is a well-known example of this trait; his style of leadership has revolutionized his state and the national conversation. In addition to reflecting his own experience, his tenacity, compassion, and strategic vision also speak to Nigerians’ desire for stability and advancement. Shettima’s ability to govern is essential to building a stronger democracy in Nigeria.

Shettima’s strategic vision is essential for negotiating the complicated political environment in Nigeria. His progressive strategy places a strong emphasis on economic development programs and inclusive governance with the goal of empowering all Nigerians. In addition to solving current problems, this forward-thinking approach establishes the groundwork for long-term development within a democratic system.

For Nigeria’s democracy to advance, Kashim Shettima is a prime example of critical leadership attributes, including resiliency, empathy, and strategic vision. Leaders like Shettima will be crucial in crafting a future where growth and inclusivity flourish as the country’s politics continue to change. Adopting these traits can encourage other leaders to do the same in order to build a society that is more democratic.

During his time as Borno State’s governor, Kashim Shettima demonstrated his dedication to implementing smart policies that tackled important problems, including infrastructure and security. He placed a high priority on forming alliances with security organizations and funding regional infrastructure initiatives that promote community resilience in the face of the Boko Haram insurgency. In an area that had previously been devastated by conflict, his proactive actions not only increased safety but also sparked economic growth.

Shettima’s commitment to inclusive governance is a critical component of his leadership. He has built a participatory political atmosphere in which varied perspectives may be heard by actively interacting with numerous stakeholders, including traditional leaders, women’s groups, and youth organizations. This inclusivity has increased social cohesiveness and trust among citizens, causing them to be more invested in government activities aimed at communal progress.

Shettima’s emphasis on youth empowerment distinguishes him as a leader who recognizes the value of leveraging human capital for national development. He combats unemployment while encouraging creativity through projects that empower young people with vocational training and entrepreneurship chances. His vision inspires the younger generation to play an active role in defining Nigeria’s future.

Kashim Shettima’s progressive leadership is a source of hope in Nigeria’s political landscape. He solves urgent difficulties while also laying the framework for long-term stability and progress through strategic policies, inclusive government, and youth empowerment. Embracing such visionary leadership can motivate other leaders in Nigeria to take similar methods that value unity and growth.

By comparing his early governance approach to his more recent methods, we can see how his leadership style has evolved in response to shifting political and social contexts. And I’ll strive to highlight both his approaches’ strengths and faults, finally presenting a full assessment of his leadership effectiveness.

In the early years of his tenure as governor, Kashim Shettima’s leadership was characterized by a strong emphasis on security and stability. Faced with challenges such as insurgency and violence in Borno State, he prioritized military collaboration and community engagement. His proactive measures during this period laid a foundation for restoring peace but also faced criticism for their heavy-handedness.

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As time progressed, Shettima shifted towards developmental policies aimed at rebuilding communities affected by conflict. His initiatives focused on education, infrastructure development, and economic revitalization. This transition marked a significant contrast to his earlier focus on security alone; however, it also revealed challenges in implementation due to bureaucratic hurdles and resource constraints.

Shettima has taken on new political tasks in recent years, indicating that his leadership style has evolved. As he navigates national politics, there is a noticeable move toward coalition building and diplomatic interaction with various groups. This evolution demonstrates an adaptation to larger political processes, but it raises concerns about the consistency of addressing local difficulties vs. national objectives.

Kashim Shettima’s leadership journey includes substantial transformations that reflect both personal progress and external forces. While initially focused on security measures, he has expanded his horizons to include development initiatives and national politics. Comparing these phases illustrates not just the intricacies of good leadership but also areas where more changes are required for long-term progress.

The integrity and accountability of political leaders are essential components of efficient governance. Shettima’s leadership demonstrates a deep dedication to these ideas. Shettima has established himself as a model of integrity and accountability in public service by implementing transparent policies, engaging the community, and providing responsive leadership. Shettima’s devotion to community participation increases his leadership accountability. He constantly opens himself to listen to diverse constituents who want to express their issues and provide comments on policy. This transparency not only empowers citizens but also allows Shettima to make sound judgments as a leader. Maintaining these ideals is critical not only for individual leaders but also for increasing faith in democratic institutions as a whole.

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Kashim Shettima’s ability to connect with varied audiences originates from his compassionate leadership style, effective communication tactics, and dedication to diversity. These attributes not only increase his political appeal but also help to establish a more unified society in Nigeria. As he continues his political career, these ties will be critical in addressing the complicated requirements of a diverse population.

In the face of national challenges, resilience is a quality that defines true leadership. Shettima, a prominent figure in Nigerian politics, exemplifies this resilience through his unwavering commitment to addressing the issues facing his constituents. It was argued that Shettima’s ability to remain steadfast amidst adversity not only inspires hope but also fosters unity and progress within the nation.

Shettima’s style of government has been distinguished by proactive initiatives to address major societal challenges. Despite economic uncertainty and security concerns, he has enacted programs that stress job growth and community development. His initiatives have boosted local companies and supplied critical services, displaying his commitment to improving the lives of everyday people.

Furthermore, Shettima’s resiliency is demonstrated by his ability to unite disparate communities inside Nigeria. In times of violence and division, he has always campaigned for discussion and cooperation among different ethnic and religious groups. This dedication to inclusivity not only increases social cohesiveness, but it also fosters a feeling of common purpose in overcoming national issues.

Additionally, Shettima’s personal story of perseverance serves as an inspiration for many Nigerians. Having faced numerous setbacks and overcoming them, he remains undeterred in his quest for positive change. His ability to rise above obstacles resonates with citizens who are grappling with their own struggles, reinforcing the idea that resilience can lead to triumph against all odds.

Shettima’s resilience amidst national challenges highlights the essential qualities of effective leadership. Through his proactive governance, commitment to unity, and inspirational personal journey, he embodies hope for a brighter future in Nigeria. As citizens rally behind leaders like Shettima, who demonstrate unwavering resolve, they pave the way for collective progress and national healing.

* Dr. James Bwala, PhD writes from Abuja

Kashim Shettima: The personality traits of a leader in Nigeria’s growing democracy.