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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

  • Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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The Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion Meeting: Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu’s ₦50,000,000 Support—A Testament to Leadership and Commitment

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4 days ago

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December 6, 2025

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Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu

The Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion Meeting: Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu’s ₦50,000,000 Support—A Testament to Leadership and Commitment

By: Dr. James Bwala

The Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion Meeting, held on December 6, 2025, at the Federal Neuropsychiatric Hospital, Maiduguri, Borno State, showcased a moment of unity, gratitude, and inspiration. Under the esteemed leadership of His Royal Highness Alh (Dr.) Shehu Hashimi II Ibn Shehu Umar Al’amin El-kanemi, this gathering brought together an array of individuals who share a common bond through their educational background. However, the focal point of the event was the commendation of one of their own, Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu, whose unwavering commitment to his constituents and remarkable leadership qualities struck a chord with all attendees. 

Represented by Mr. Samaila Ayuba (Kojak), Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu’s influence reverberated throughout the auditorium during the reunion meeting. As the member representing the Biu, Kwaya-Kusar, Bayo, and Shani federal constituency, he epitomizes what it means to be a servant leader. His distinct approach towards governance, combined with his proactive humanitarian efforts, has set a standard for political representatives. Attendees lauded his initiatives, which range from infrastructural development projects to educational programs, ensuring that the essence of democracy—serving the people—is alive and robust in his leadership style.

Mr. Samaila Ayuba (Kojak)

One cannot understate the significance of these accolades bestowed upon Hon. Betara Aliyu during the reunion. Each narrative shared about his contributions illustrated a profound understanding of the needs of his constituents, encapsulating empathy as a core driver of effective leadership. The alumni’s praise for him serves as a reminder that elected officials must prioritize the welfare of the communities they serve. In an era where political apathy is rampant and disillusionment with public figures prevails, Hon. Betara Aliyu stands as a beacon of hope. He demonstrates that political authority can indeed align with genuine care for the populace’s well-being.

Also, Hon. Betara Aliyu’s gesture of announcing a substantial donation of fifty million naira (₦50,000,000.00) as transportation support for the attendees further exemplifies his dedication. This act transcends mere financial assistance; it displays an extraordinary commitment to inclusivity and participation. By facilitating the attendance of fellow alumni, he not only strengthens bonds among them but also underscores the importance of collective engagement in societal issues. It is essential to recognize that true leadership extends beyond policy-making; it often manifests in the tangible ways leaders empower others to come together and collaborate for common goals.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-voice-of-dan-balki-an-attempt-to-derail-the-gains-of-building-a-stronger-north-with-vp-kashim-shettima-as-jagoran-arewa/

In the context of political gatherings like the Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion, the communal prayers and wishes expressed for Hon. Betara Aliyu’s success in his political endeavors are deeply significant. They form a spiritual and moral foundation that fortifies his current initiatives and future aspirations. Such collective support is vital for leaders navigating the complexities of political life. The tribute paid to him at this meeting signifies a communal affirmation of shared values rooted in integrity, compassion, and respect—all pivotal for sustainable governance.

As we reflect on the commendation of Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu, it becomes essential to advocate for a paradigm shift among aspiring leaders who may look towards politics as a means of personal gain rather than community upliftment. Drawing lessons from this event, potential candidates in Nigeria must embrace the ethos exhibited by Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu. They ought to engage with their communities meaningfully, develop sustainable initiatives, and foster relationships built on trust and transparency. It is incumbent upon those seeking to serve the public to inject a sense of purpose into their pursuits, recognizing that their actions directly impact the lives of their constituents.

Indeed, alumni networks such as the Beneshiekh group play a crucial role in propelling social change. They possess the unique capacity to mobilize resources, share knowledge, and create platforms for collaboration among individuals who have walked similar educational paths. The Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion Meeting should be viewed not only as a celebration of fellowship but also as a catalyst for ongoing dialogues on community issues. Participants should leverage this network to propose initiatives that align with Hon. Betara Aliyu’s vision for development. By working collectively, they can amplify their voices and foster a culture of mutual accountability among both leaders and constituents.

Lastly, it is worth emphasizing that lasting change is not an overnight endeavor. The reunion meeting serves as a reminder that the path to effective leadership involves continuous learning, adaptation, and engagement. To retain the spirit of this gathering, members should consider forming committees focused on specific issues within their constituencies, guiding future leaders to action based on the best practices exemplified by Hon. Betara Aliyu. The key lies in maintaining momentum and harnessing the collective potential of the alumni network, thus establishing a legacy anchored in activism and civic responsibility.

The Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion Meeting offered more than a chance to reminisce; it provided an opportunity to reaffirm the values and responsibilities of leadership. Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu’s recognition serves as a catalyst for inspiring countless individuals to commit to public service with integrity and compassion. As communities grapple with various socio-economic challenges, let the words of gratitude and prayers offered during this gathering translate into actionable steps that pave the way for a brighter future. Indeed, alumni and community leaders should collectively hold each other accountable, ensuring that aspirations and actions reflect a genuine commitment to the society we serve.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Maiduguri.

The Beneshiekh Alumni Reunion Meeting: Hon. Muktari Betara Aliyu’s ₦50,000,000 Support—A Testament to Leadership and Commitment

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The Voice of Dan Balki: An Attempt to Derail the Gains of Building a Stronger North with VP Kashim Shettima as “Jagoran Arewa”

Published

6 days ago

on

December 4, 2025

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VP Shettima

The Voice of Dan Balki: An Attempt to Derail the Gains of Building a Stronger North with VP Kashim Shettima as “Jagoran Arewa”

By: Dr. James Bwala

The emergence of influential voices and opposing forces shapes not only the political ideologies in the North but also the trajectories of leadership, particularly now that the North is seeking one true leader under its umbrella to champion the course of the North returning history to the glorious days of its shining. Many voices supporting the One North rise are rallying around Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettina. But opposing forces are marching in their characters and building on rented voices. One such figure is Dan Balki, whose rhetoric and activism against Vice President Kashim Shettima embody a larger struggle for the soul of Northern Nigeria. As Shettima assumes the mantle of “Jagoran Arewa,” or the leader of the North, by his position as Nigeria’s vice president, it becomes paramount to dissect the implications of Dan Balki’s recent opposition and the collective efforts of dissenting factions aiming to undermine Shettima’s God-given position of leadership chosen from amongst hundreds and perhaps thousands who feel equally important for this ambitious position.

Despite the pushback posed by Dan Balki and his allies, Shettima’s vision for a stronger North remains valid and essential for the region’s socio-political and economic advancement. To understand the contentious relationship between Dan Balki and Shettima, we must first delve into the historical context that has plagued Northern Nigeria. The North has faced myriad challenges ranging from economic deprivation, educational underachievement, and security concerns, culminating in a loss of political power and relevance on the national stage. In this atmosphere of disillusionment and tension, Shettima, formerly the Governor of Borno State, emerged as a beacon of hope, propelled by his development initiatives and commitment to addressing the unique challenges facing the North. His policies aimed at fostering unity, peace, and economic revitalization resonate deeply amidst a populace yearning for effective leadership.

However, the recent emergence of vocal opponents like Dan Balki signifies a critical fracture within Northern politics. Dan Balki’s narrative encapsulates a blend of regionalist sentiment and skepticism towards Shettima’s administration by powerful individuals who are not satisfied with the position they currently occupy. Framing Shettima as a pawn of broader national politics, these individuals are using Dan Balki to leverage populist rhetoric to cultivate dissent among constituents, thus sowing seeds of division. His recent arguments often highlight grievances related to perceived neglect of certain local interests or failure to adequately involve grassroots stakeholders in decision-making processes. These tactics are reminiscent of age-old political maneuverings in which leaders are pitted against one another to create distractions from pressing issues.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/general-christopher-g-musa-a-pillar-of-integrity-and-commitment/

The impact of Dan Balki’s voice should not be underestimated. He serves as a reminder of the plurality of opinions in Nigerian politics—a reflection of diverse aspirations and ideologies within the Northern constituency. Yet, while this multiplicity is vital for democracy, it can also hinder progress if left unchecked. Dan Balki’s continued criticisms could lead to a paralysis of governance, where leaders are more preoccupied with countering dissent than implementing crucial reforms. Such a scenario would ultimately serve only to stifle the progress Shettima seeks to achieve.

Counterarguments may posit that Dan Balki’s resistance stems from legitimate grievances that reflect the authentic desires of constituents. To some extent, this claim holds merit. Indeed, Shettima must engage with various stakeholders across the North to solidify his position and capitalize on the victories he has championed. However, it is essential to distinguish constructive criticism from polarized antagonism. True leadership demands an understanding of nuance—a recognition that dissent can serve as both a catalyst for improvement and an obstacle to advancement. For Shettima, navigating this political minefield necessitates a thoughtful approach that embraces dialogue while remaining steadfast in his vision for the North.

A crucial aspect of Shettima’s agenda is his commitment to economic development through infrastructural investment, education, and youth empowerment. These pillars are foundational for fostering a prosperous Northern region capable of competing on both national and global fronts. The initiatives launched during his gubernatorial tenure offer a glimpse into what can be achieved under his leadership. For instance, Shettima’s focus on rebuilding Borno State post-insurgency, including enhancing agricultural outputs and technological advancements, sets a precedent for sustainable growth. Detractors like Dan Balki may diminish these achievements, but the empirical evidence supports Shettima’s vision as one rooted in practicality and necessity.

Indeed, it is crucial to consider the broader implications of Shettima’s role within the national government. As vice president, he occupies a platform that allows for broader advocacy and representation of Northern interests on the national stage. Rather than viewing this as a dilution of regional identity, constituents should recognize the potential for leveraging such a position to attract investments and foster collaborations that align with the North’s unique challenges. Rather than allowing Dan Balki’s divisive rhetoric to distract from this opportunity, it is imperative for Shettima to delineate how his policies can yield tangible benefits for the entire region.

Shettima’s commitment to unity is a cornerstone of his political philosophy. In a region often fractured by tribal, religious, and political divides, embracing a narrative of togetherness becomes increasingly significant. While Dan Balki’s voice echoes sentiments of dissatisfaction, it is vital to counter those sentiments with positive, inclusive narratives that speak to shared goals and aspirations. Campaigns highlighting collaborative projects and inter-ethnic dialogues would demonstrate that Shettima is not merely a politician operating in isolation but rather a leader attuned to the complexities of Northern Nigeria’s social fabric.

A concerted effort towards grassroots mobilization can effectively mitigate the influence of opposition voices. Building a robust network of community engagement initiatives that directly involve citizens in discussions about their needs and expectations can circumvent the narrative of discontent framed by Dan Balki. By amplifying local voices within the decision-making process, Shettima can reinforce a sense of ownership among constituents, thereby reducing the allure of oppositional figures who thrive on creating rifts.

The challenge posed by Dan Balki and other opposing forces underscores the dynamic nature of political discourse in Northern Nigeria. While dissent is a natural element within any democracy, the prioritization of progress over partisanship is essential. As the North charts its path forward, the ability to unite diverse voices behind a collective objective will determine the strength and resilience of the region. Shettima’s position as “Jagoran Arewa” epitomizes an opportunity to rally support around a shared identity, catalyzing a movement towards rejuvenation and prosperity.

The voice of Dan Balki serves as a reminder of the complexities inherent in politics, particularly in a region as diverse and historically rich as Northern Nigeria. Nevertheless, beneath the noise of dissent lies an opportunity for growth and transformation. As Vice President Kashim Shettima navigates this political landscape, his focus must remain unwavering—centering on building a stronger, more cohesive North. Through strategic engagement, inclusive dialogue, and an unwavering commitment to the aspirations of the people, Shettima has the potential to rise above opposition and pave the way for a brighter future. In the face of adversity, true leadership is defined not solely by the absence of dissent but by the ability to harness divergent views to forge a path towards unity and progress.

* * James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

The Voice of Dan Balki: An Attempt to Derail the Gains of Building a Stronger North with VP Kashim Shettima as “Jagoran Arewa”

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PDP Convention: Group backs Gov. Fintiri, Madagali

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1 month ago

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November 5, 2025

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PDP Convention: Group backs Gov. Fintiri, Madagali

Ganye Chiefdom has passed a vote of confidence in the leadership of Gov. Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri of Adamawa as Chairman, 2025 PDP National Convention and Alhaji Hamza Madagali, party Chairman Adamawa Chapter ahead of 2027 General Elections.

The Chiefdom comprises Ganye, Tango and Jada Local Government Areas including part of Mayo-Belwa.

Alhaji Kashim Jidda, leader of the delegation stated this when they paid a solidarity visit to the newly elected executive of the party in the state in Yola.

He said, Gov. Fintiri has laid a legacy in the state and assured their loyalty and support for the success of the party from the grassroots up to the national level.

Jidda appealed to Fintiri to reconstruct Ganye-Jada road to ease the suffering of people and to boost the economic activities in the area.

He also urged Fintiri to find a credible person who would succeed him after his two terms in office to sustain the success and progress of the state.

In his remarks, Madagali expressed appreciation for the visit and described it as one of the special visits to the party.

He commended the Chiefdom for supporting the party during the recent by-election in the area.

According to him, with that they have confidence in them and urged them to double their effort to ensure the success of the party to come 2027 General Elections.

“Going by the constitution of the country and that of the party nobody can stop PDP from winning the election in the forthcoming general election”, he said.

PDP Convention: Group backs Gov. Fintiri, Madagali

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