Politics
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
By: Dele Alake
On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.
Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.
In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.
Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.
That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.
While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !
Third term agenda
Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.
Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.
Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence
While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.
Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.
Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.
In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.
False claim of mentorship
Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.
To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.
All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.
Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.
His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.
Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?
He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!
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Capacity to identify and nurture leaders
It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.
The shame of Anambra
Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!
With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.
But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.
Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !
- Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Politics
Shettima’s relentless engagement should remind Nigerians that their government is not an opaque monolith but a responsive entity committed to their welfare.
Shettima’s relentless engagement should remind Nigerians that their government is not an opaque monolith but a responsive entity committed to their welfare.
By: Dr. James Bwala
Recently, I was reading some comments about Vice President Kashim Shettima’s travels. While some of these comments are encouraging, others seem to have distanced themselves from the reality of what it means to be in a leadership position. Nigeria, with its over 200 million inhabitants spread across 36 states and a Federal Capital Territory, presents a multifaceted challenge to governance. The country’s ethnic, religious, and cultural diversity, combined with economic disparities and security concerns, necessitates a leadership approach that is both hands-on and deeply empathetic. Vice President Shettima’s extensive travels allow him to engage directly with various communities, understand their unique challenges, and foster a sense of inclusion and representation within the federal framework. This ground-level interaction cultivates trust between the government and its citizens, diminishing alienation and enhancing the legitimacy of governance structures.
Shettima’s tireless journey across Nigeria, traversing its vast length and breadth, stands as a compelling testament to the government’s unwavering commitment to forging a better future for all Nigerians. In an era where leadership is often critiqued for detachment and inefficiency, Shettima’s relentless engagement exemplifies the vital qualities of dedication, resilience, and visionary stewardship that a leader must embody to achieve meaningful progress. His continuous efforts are not merely symbolic gestures but tangible acts that reflect the innermost drive required to steer a diverse and complex nation toward unity, development, and prosperity.
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The vice president’s visible presence across the country sends a powerful message about the government’s priorities. It signals that no region or group is overlooked; rather, there is a concerted effort to bridge gaps, address grievances, and promote equitable development. This approach contrasts sharply with a detached bureaucracy where policies might be formulated in isolation without adequate appreciation of local realities. By crisscrossing Nigeria, the vice president gathers firsthand insights that inform policy formulation, ensuring that interventions are contextually relevant and more likely to succeed. This dynamic feedback loop between leadership and the populace is critical in a democracy striving for responsiveness and accountability.

The personal toll on Vice President Shettima cannot be overstated. His demanding schedule, often described as exhausting, underscores the sacrifices inherent in leadership at the highest level. Yet, it is precisely this embodiment of relentless commitment that galvanizes governmental momentum and inspires confidence among Nigerians. Leadership, especially in a country as complex as Nigeria, demands an inner reservoir of strength—an indomitable spirit that persists amid fatigue, setbacks, and criticism. Shettima’s ability to continually summon this inner strength reflects his recognition that leadership is not a static position but an active, evolving process requiring constant energy, adaptability, and perseverance.
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Shettima’s style also offers a profound lesson on the interplay between visibility and effectiveness. Too often, political leaders are perceived as distant figures whose decisions emerge from abstract corridors of power. But in contrast, Shettima’s approach breaks down these barriers, positioning the vice presidency as a proactive institution directly engaged with the citizenry. This hands-on leadership fosters a culture of transparency and humility, where listening becomes as important as directing. It reassures Nigerians that their government is not an opaque monolith but a responsive entity committed to their welfare.

In the broader context of Nigeria’s developmental trajectory, the vice president’s efforts align with national ambitions to enhance social cohesion, economic diversification, and infrastructural growth. The government’s push to create jobs, improve healthcare, reform education, and enhance security requires not only robust policies but also vigorous implementation supported by continuous dialogue with stakeholders at every level. Vice President Shettima’s extensive travels enable him to champion these initiatives directly, mobilizing local resources, encouraging public-private partnerships, and advocating for reforms that resonate with community needs and aspirations.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/when-apcs-incumbency-appears-secure-ahead-of-2027/
On a closer look, Shettima’s leadership embodies the essence of servant leadership—a philosophy where leaders prioritize the needs of their people above personal gain or political expediency. His visible exhaustion is not a sign of weakness but an expression of his willingness to share in the struggles of ordinary Nigerians. This empathetic connection builds social capital and reinforces the moral authority necessary for sustainable governance. As Nigeria grapples with issues such as poverty, insecurity, and infrastructural deficits, leadership that demonstrates genuine care and dedication can serve as a unifying force capable of transcending divisive politics and fostering national reconciliation.

Critics might argue that frequent travel and public engagements risk superficiality, suggesting that real change is achieved through policy details and systemic reforms rather than charismatic presence. While policy substance is undeniably critical, the importance of leadership presence should not be underestimated, especially in a federal system where trust and cooperation among diverse regions are indispensable. Vice President Shettima’s approach does not replace rigorous policy work; rather, it complements it by ensuring that policies are grounded in lived experiences and receive the support necessary for effective implementation.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/when-apcs-incumbency-appears-secure-ahead-of-2027/
The rigorous schedule adopted by the vice president sets a benchmark for other leaders in the country, encouraging a culture of diligence and accountability within the government. It raises expectations around active leadership and discourages complacency. When the nation’s second-in-command is seen investing considerable personal effort into understanding and addressing grassroots issues, it elevates the standards for public service and nurtures a political environment oriented toward active problem-solving rather than mere rhetoric.

Some critical-minded Nigerians need to see that Shettima’s continuous crisscrossing of Nigeria is emblematic of a government genuinely invested in building a better nation. His physical journey across diverse terrains mirrors a deeper journey of commitment, resilience, and visionary leadership essential for navigating Nigeria’s complexities. Despite the evident exhaustion, his indefatigable spirit personifies the qualities required to lead effectively in challenging circumstances. Through direct engagement, empathetic governance, and steadfast dedication, Shettima contributes significantly to fostering national unity, promoting inclusive development, and inspiring confidence in Nigeria’s future. His example is a clarion call for leadership that is not only seen and heard but felt profoundly across every corner of the nation, driving collective progress for the greater good.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
Shettima’s relentless engagement should remind Nigerians that their government is not an opaque monolith but a responsive entity committed to their welfare.
Politics
When APC’s incumbency appears secure ahead of 2027
When APC’s incumbency appears secure ahead of 2027
By: Dr. James Bwala
The political landscape in Nigeria as it approaches the 2027 general elections presents a complex tableau marked by rivalry, fragmentation, and strategic posturing. In examining this scenario through the lens of Niccolò Machiavelli’s seminal work, The Prince, one finds striking parallels that elucidate the dynamics at play within Nigerian opposition politics. Machiavelli’s assertion that “it is safer to be feared than loved” and his advocacy for deception as a tool to maintain power offer a critical framework to understand why Nigeria’s opposition has struggled to effectively mount a united front against the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima.
Machiavelli’s political philosophy centers on the pragmatics of power—rulers must often engage in morally ambiguous acts, including fearmongering and calculated deceit, to establish and sustain authority. He stresses that a ruler who is loved but not feared is vulnerable; fear ensures obedience even when affection wanes. Applying this to Nigeria’s contemporary political environment reveals how the ruling party, through both strategic governance and symbolic displays of strength, has induced a palpable sense of fear among opposition ranks, thereby destabilizing their cohesion.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
This fear manifests not only as intimidation by the government’s enforcement mechanisms but also as an overarching anxiety about the futility of opposing a deeply entrenched power structure. This psychological environment has engendered confusion and disarray within opposition parties, hampering their ability to coalesce around a shared vision or unified strategy.
Central to the opposition’s predicament is its inability to transcend personal ambitions and forge a consolidated front. Machiavelli emphasizes the importance of strategic alliances and the consolidation of interests in the pursuit of sustained power. Yet in Nigeria, opposition parties such as the Social Democratic Party (SDP), African Democratic Congress (ADC), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) remain fragmented and beset by internal rivalries.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
Rather than focusing their energies on dismantling the hegemony of APC, these groups are embroiled in internecine conflicts, blame-shifting, and coalition wrangling. The PDP’s recent resort to spiritual intercession via a “seven-day prayer” highlights a sense of desperation and reliance on non-strategic measures over pragmatic political maneuvering. This lack of coordination and coherent messaging fuels public perception of disorganization, weakening their collective bargaining power.
The opposition’s fragmentation can be traced to a fundamental deficit in leadership characterized by selfish ambitions. Each faction prioritizes its immediate gains over a long-term vision, thereby undermining confidence among constituents and potential partners within the political arena. Without the “voice of unity,” opposition parties inadvertently strengthen the position of the ruling APC by squandering resources and opportunities to present a formidable challenge.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
Fear operates as a dual-edged sword in this context. The ruling APC harnesses it to consolidate support and suppress dissent, while opposition leaders themselves are hindered by their fear of losing influence, relevance, and political capital. Such fear leads to hesitation, mistrust, and ultimately paralysis. This atmosphere dissuades cooperative behavior among opposition factions, making coalition-building a herculean task.
The fear of persecution or political marginalization under an APC-dominated system disincentivizes boldness. Many opposition figures adopt defensive postures, reluctant to risk alienating their base or breaching fragile agreements. This dynamic creates a vicious cycle where fear undermines unity, disunity reinforces APC dominance, and dominance exacerbates fear.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima have effectively capitalized on these fractures within the opposition. Their leadership within the APC represents a consolidation of power that Machiavelli would recognize as a well-executed maintenance of principality. The APC’s overwhelming political machinery, resource allocation, control over security apparatus, and effective grassroots mobilization have rendered opposition efforts less efficacious.
The symbolic victories—the faltering of SDP, the sinking of ADC, and the uncertain trajectory of the National Democratic Coalition (NDC)—are testimonies to APC’s strategic supremacy. The ruling party’s preemptive victories in goodwill and political influence signal that the 2027 elections may again be skewed in their favor. They have won not only battles on the ground but also psychological warfare by fostering a perception of inevitability regarding their continued rule.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
As Nigeria marches toward the 2027 general elections, the question remains: can the opposition overcome its internal divisions to challenge the APC effectively?
For a start, the opposition must heed Machiavelli’s advice on the necessity of unity and strategic subterfuge. Facing a dominant opponent requires flexibility, sacrifice of individual ambitions for collective goals, and a willingness to engage in political realism rather than idealistic posturing. This would mean forging genuine coalitions not merely for electoral convenience but with a clear, shared agenda to address Nigeria’s numerous governance challenges.
Opposition leaders need to cultivate a new narrative that transcends blame games. Popular disenchantment with the APC should be transformed into a cohesive political force, capable of articulating viable alternatives. Building trust within and across parties, managing ideological differences pragmatically, and presenting credible candidates could galvanize voter enthusiasm and disrupt APC’s dominance.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
However, the prospect of such transformation remains uncertain. Entrenched interests, historical grievances, and the lure of power complicate unified action. Without a decisive initiative toward reconciliation and strategic planning, the opposition risks repeating past failures, remaining divided and ineffective.
Indeed, the Nigerian political landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections vividly illustrates the enduring relevance of Machiavellian political thought. The ruling APC’s use of fear and strategic depth has created a daunting environment for opposition parties, which remain mired in fragmentation and self-interest. Until the opposition can muster the discipline and unity required to challenge the established order, APC’s incumbency appears secure.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-day-borno-welcomes-engr-mustapha-gubio/
The lessons from Machiavelli urge political actors in Nigeria to embrace realism, where fear and deception are tools wielded prudently to maintain or contest power. Whether Nigeria’s opposition will rise above its divisions and contest the election “in one piece” or continue to falter remains to be seen. What is indisputable, however, is that the political game in Nigeria is as much about psychological mastery and strategic alliances as it is about ideology or policy—a truth that Machiavelli first unveiled centuries ago yet remains profoundly applicable today.
* James Bwala, PhD, is a political analyst and wrote from Abuja.
When APC’s incumbency appears secure ahead of 2027
Politics
2027: Day Borno Welcomes Engr. Mustapha Gubio
2027: Day Borno Welcomes Engr. Mustapha Gubio
By: Hon. Yusuf Adamu
Borno State has always been marked by fervent enthusiasm and a deep-seated commitment to progress. On the historic day when Engr. Mustapha Gubio emerged from the aircraft at Borno’s airport, greeted by an overwhelming sea of supporters, it became evident that a new era was dawning—one that promises unity, development, and sustainable governance. The moment when His Excellency, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, lifted Gubio’s hand high in the air symbolized more than just a gesture. It was a powerful declaration to the people of Borno and beyond that Engr. Mustapha Gubio is the indisputable consensus candidate for the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship ticket in 2027.
The remarkably large turnout at the airport upon Engr. Mustapha Gubio’s homecoming underscores a unified political front within the APC and the trust bestowed upon him by Borno’s citizens. The crowd was not merely a gathering; it was a vivid demonstration that the 2027 elections are effectively sealed in favor of the APC. This overwhelming support is a testament to the collective belief that Gubio embodies the qualities necessary to lead Borno towards sustained growth and prosperity. In a region often challenged by security concerns and developmental hurdles, such unity is critical. It signals to all stakeholders that the people of Borno are rallying behind a leader whose vision aligns with their aspirations for peace, stability, and economic advancement.
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Also, the presence of influential political figures at the event solidifies the legitimacy and strength of Engr. Mustapha Gubio’s candidacy. Distinguished personalities such as the Minister of Agriculture, Senator Abubakar Kyari, whose influence transcends local boundaries, were visibly present and supportive. Alongside him were other key elected representatives, including Senator Kaka Shehu Lawan and members of the House of Representatives, all signaling unwavering allegiance to the APC’s chosen candidate. Their participation does not only lend political weight to Gubio’s campaign but also projects a message of solidarity and collaboration across different tiers of government. Such cohesion is essential for crafting and implementing policies that can address the multifaceted challenges facing Borno.
The demographic diversity of the crowd—youths, women, senior citizens, and children, who greeted his arrival—reflects an inclusive political movement that transcends age, gender, and social strata. This inclusivity is fundamental in fostering a sense of belonging and collective responsibility among citizens. The youths’ enthusiastic participation is especially significant; as the backbone of tomorrow’s workforce and leadership, their endorsement signals hope for innovative approaches and energizing youth-led initiatives in governance. Women, who often bear the brunt of economic and social hardships, demonstrated their support as well, hinting at a future administration that will be sensitive to gender-specific issues and committed to empowering women economically and socially. Senior citizens, carrying the wisdom of experience, also stood in solidarity, showing that Gubio’s leadership enjoys broad generational support—a crucial factor for sustainable peace and continuity.
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Beyond the optics of political alliances and public enthusiasm, the event epitomizes Borno’s resilience and rising spirit after years of adversity. Historically, Borno has confronted significant security threats and humanitarian challenges that have tested its very fabric. The unity displayed at the airport sends a clear signal that the people of Borno have risen above divisive sentiments and are eager to embrace a future characterized by cooperation and constructive engagement. It is a clarion call that the time for fragmentation has passed and that collaborative governance is the pathway forward. Engr. Mustapha Gubio’s candidacy, therefore, is not merely a political milestone; it symbolizes a beacon of hope and a catalyst for transforming Borno into a model state of progress and peace.
Critically, the choice of Engr. Mustapha Gubio aligns perfectly with the needs of Borno at this crucial juncture. With his engineering background and experience in public service, Gubio brings a pragmatic, solution-oriented mindset to governance. The complexities of rebuilding infrastructure, enhancing security, and promoting economic diversification demand technical expertise coupled with visionary leadership. Gubio’s track record indicates that he possesses these attributes, making him uniquely qualified to spearhead initiatives that would stimulate growth, improve living standards, and foster social cohesion. His leadership promises to harness innovation and strategic planning to address longstanding issues, from rebuilding communities ravaged by conflict to improving essential services such as health, education, and transportation.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/pastor-jerry-eze-efccs-endorsement-for-righteousness-after-six-month-probe-for-money-laundering/
The endorsement by Governor Babagana Umara Zulum reinforces the message that continuity in leadership, paired with fresh and capable hands, is vital for Borno’s ongoing recovery and development. Governor Zulum’s administration has been widely recognized for its commitment to transparency, infrastructural development, and human capital investment. By publicly lifting Gubio’s hand, Zulum has not only conferred legitimacy but also assured the continuity of these developmental agendas, ensuring that the progress achieved so far will not be reversed but rather accelerated under Gubio’s stewardship. This seamless transition within the APC framework enhances political stability, which investors and development partners closely monitor as a prerequisite for engagement.
Another persuasive element stems from the APC’s portrayal as “one family,” a phrase poignantly echoed during the reception. Political fragmentation has often undermined development efforts in Nigerian states, including Borno. However, the APC’s unity demonstrates a matured political culture that prioritizes collective good over individual ambitions or factional rivalries. This unity translates directly into stable governance, efficient policy implementation, and a reduction in electoral violence—issues that have historically hampered progress in the region. For the citizenry, the image of a united APC means less political uncertainty and more focus on tangible outcomes such as job creation, improved healthcare, and educational advancement.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/pastor-jerry-eze-efccs-endorsement-for-righteousness-after-six-month-probe-for-money-laundering/
Looking forward, the implications of this consensus extend beyond the immediate political cycle. It paves the way for a governance model grounded in inclusivity, competence, and shared vision. Stakeholders—from traditional leaders to civil society groups—can rally behind a single candidate whose mandate is broadly accepted, reducing the risk of post-election disputes and fostering an environment ripe for engagement and partnership. This foundation is indispensable for Borno’s transformation, enabling policies that attract investments, encourage entrepreneurship, and invigorate social programs tailored to the unique needs of its diverse population.
The day Borno welcomed Engr. Mustapha Gubio was more than a political event—it was an affirmation of unity, hope, and determination. The overwhelming crowd, the presence of distinguished political leaders, and the symbolic hand-raising by Governor Babagana Umara Zulum collectively sent an unmistakable message: Borno State is entering a phase of consolidated strength and visionary leadership under the APC banner. Engr. Mustapha Gubio’s emergence as the consensus candidate encapsulates the aspirations of a resilient people ready to transcend past challenges and embrace a prosperous future. As we approach the 2027 elections, it is clear that Borno stands united, steadfast, and prepared for the promising journey ahead under the guiding hand of Engr. Mustapha Gubio. The time for progress has arrived, and Borno’s destiny lies in the fulfillment of this shared dream.
* Hon. Yusuf Adamu writes from Maiduguri.
2027: Day Borno Welcomes Engr. Mustapha Gubio
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