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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

  • Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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Buni wins the Yobe East senatorial seat

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Buni wins the Yobe East senatorial seat

By: Yahaya Wakili

The executive governor of Yobe state, Hon. Mai Mala Buni CON, COMN, has won the Yobe East senatorial district primary election.

And Senator Ibrahim Mohammed Bomai has won the Yobe South Senatorial seat. While Senator Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan GCON, the longest-serving senator, has won the Yobe North Senatorial seat, respectively.

Senator Musa Mustapha moved a motion for endorsement of His Excellency Governor Mai Mala Buni CON as the sole APC senatorial candidate for the Yobe East Senatorial District.

The motion was seconded by Hon. Lawan Shettima Ali in line with the provisions of our laws.

“I am truly grateful to our political leaders and constituents for the opportunity given to me to serve in the Nigerian Senate,” Senator Mustapha said.

He maintained that Governor Mai Mala Buni and I have always agreed on everything that we have to do to make our state better, and he is the one that will take over from me.

“With his track record of performance, the Yobe East senatorial election has already been won by Governor Buni, inshallah, and I don’t think there is anybody today with the political capacity to even come near him in the upcoming elections.

Buni wins the Yobe East senatorial seat

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2027: Fintiri wins APC’s senatorial ticket for Adamawa North

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2027: Fintiri wins APC’s senatorial ticket for Adamawa North

Gov. Ahmadu Fintiri of Adamawa has won the All Progressives Congress (APC) Senatorial ticket in the forthcoming 2027 general elections for Adamawa North Senatorial District.

Mr Wilfred William, the returning officer of the APC primary election for Adamawa North senatorial district declared Fintiri the winner and returned him as APC’s candidate at the collation centre in Mubi-North Local Government Area of Adamawa.

He said that the election was conducted across the five LGAs in the zone; Madagali, Maiha, Michika, Mubi-North and Mubi-South.

“The total number of votes for the five LGAs is 292,070, accredited votes 174,514, votes cast 174,514.

“The following are the number of votes scored by each aspirant; Abdulrahaman Kwacham 6,958 votes; Ahmadu Fintiri 160,579 votes and Hamisu Medugu 6,977.

“Having satisfied the requirements, Fintiri scored the highest votes and was hereby declared the winner and returned elected for the Adamawa North Senatorial District,” he said.

2027: Fintiri wins APC’s senatorial ticket for Adamawa North

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2027: “VP Shettima is the soul of the Tinubu ticket.”

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Vice President Kashim Shettima

2027: “VP Shettima is the soul of the Tinubu ticket.”

By: Dr. James Bwala

In the complex and often unpredictable landscape of Nigerian politics, few figures command the nuanced respect and unyielding support that Vice President Kashim Shettima does within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and beyond. As Nigeria approaches the pivotal 2027 elections, political discourse has increasingly focused on the symbiotic relationship between President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his vice president, Shettima—an alliance many analysts and insiders argue forms an inseparable whole. Among those who have championed this narrative for over a decade, I have steadfastly promoted and defended Shettima’s candidacy and political persona in the media, convinced that he is not only indispensable to Tinubu’s ticket but indeed its very soul.

Shettima’s political journey is marked by resilience, versatility, and a deep commitment to Nigeria’s democratic evolution. From his early days as governor of Borno State—where he confronted extremist insurgencies with a combination of diplomacy and firmness—to his current role as vice president, Shettima has consistently demonstrated qualities essential to governance: courage, strategic thinking, and an unshakeable connection to the grassroots. These attributes have earned him a rare kind of political capital, transcending regional and ethnic divides that often constrain Nigerian politicians.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-between-president-tinubu-and-vice-president-kashim-shettima/

The past few years have seen me articulate these points repeatedly, emphasizing Shettima’s unique ability to balance the interests of northern Nigeria while aligning with Tinubu’s southwestern base. This duality is critical in a country where political equations are fundamentally intertwined with geography and identity. Shettima’s presence on the ticket effectively broadens the coalition, ensuring that the APC maintains electoral competitiveness across key demographics. His role is not merely symbolic or ceremonial; it is a strategic masterstroke aimed at reflecting the diversity and unity Nigeria aspires to embody.

Yet, despite these clear advantages, skepticism about Shettima’s political heft persists among certain commentators and factions. Some critics assert that he lacks the “political weight” to govern effectively at the national level or that his influence is confined to limited spheres. These critiques often hinge on isolated events or a narrow interpretation of political dynamics. However, such views overlook the broader, more intricate realities of Nigerian politics, where soft power, coalition-building, and consensus-making are just as vital as raw electoral numbers or populist appeal.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-between-president-tinubu-and-vice-president-kashim-shettima/

A compelling rejoinder to these doubts was recently offered by my respected colleague, Mr. Abdul Rafiu Lawal, former correspondent for TELL Magazine, whose insights carry considerable weight owing to his extensive experience and analytical rigor. Lawal described Vice President Shettima as the “soul of the Tinubu ticket,” a phrase that encapsulates the essence of Shettima’s indispensability to the ruling coalition. He went further to caution that if President Tinubu were to disregard or sever this alliance, he would be committing a grave political error—a move that would jeopardize the ticket’s viability and electoral success.

Lawal’s commentary crystallizes the argument that Shettima is far more than a mere running mate; he is the linchpin of their collective political destiny. His presence on the ticket provides coherence to the APC’s narrative of inclusiveness and stability amid an often fragmented political landscape. Indeed, Shettima’s extensive networks, especially in the crucial Northern geopolitical region, afford the administration a strategic edge in mobilizing voters and consolidating support in areas that might otherwise remain skeptical of the Tinubu-led platform.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-between-president-tinubu-and-vice-president-kashim-shettima/

Beyond electoral calculations, Shettima’s role as the vice president projects a message of reconciliation and forward-looking governance. Nigeria’s history is punctuated by periods of sectional tension and mistrust among its diverse ethnic groups. Having a northeasterner of Shettima’s stature occupying this high office signals a commitment to embracing all corners of the nation, fostering unity and shared purpose. This symbolism resonates with millions who seek assurance that their voices and concerns matter in the corridors of power.

VP Shettima embodies a blend of youthful dynamism and seasoned political acumen that complements Tinubu’s leadership style. Together, they project an image of a government both rooted in experience and responsive to contemporary challenges. This synergy is critical as Nigeria confronts pressing issues—from economic diversification and security threats to social cohesion and infrastructural development.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-between-president-tinubu-and-vice-president-kashim-shettima/

Detractors might argue that political alliances in Nigeria are ephemeral, driven by expediency rather than enduring conviction. While this skepticism is not unfounded historically, the Tinubu-Shettima partnership demonstrates notable durability and shared vision. It is a relationship forged not solely on political convenience but also on mutual respect and a convergent understanding of Nigeria’s needs at this juncture. The consistency of Shettima’s public service record, alongside Tinubu’s leadership trajectory, attests to a partnership built on genuine collaboration.

In light of these considerations, the discourse surrounding the “Shettima issue” must be reframed. Rather than questioning his legitimacy or capacity, stakeholders ought to recognize that the vice president’s role transcends individual ambition. He is a critical agent for national consolidation, whose contributions underpin the larger framework of political stability and growth.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-between-president-tinubu-and-vice-president-kashim-shettima/

As the nation moves closer to the 2027 elections, the importance of coherent, inclusive leadership cannot be overstated. The stakes are high, and the electorate is discerning. Political actors who understand and embrace the composite nature of Nigeria’s polity will be better positioned to deliver lasting progress. Herein lies the significance of Vice President Kashim Shettima’s place on the Tinubu ticket—it is the embodiment of unity in diversity, a strategic nod to Nigeria’s pluralistic fabric, and a testament to the power of principled partnership.

The vice president is undeniably the soul of the Tinubu ticket. His political gravitas, regional representation, and commitment to national development enrich the ticket’s appeal and functionality. To undermine or dismiss his role is to risk destabilizing an alliance that offers Nigeria a credible path towards cohesion and prosperity. As articulated by Abdul Rafiu Lawal and evidenced by decades of Shettima’s public engagement, the vice presidency is not a peripheral appointment but a central pillar in the architecture of Nigeria’s evolving democracy. For those invested in the country’s future, embracing Shettima’s indispensability is not just a political calculation—it is a patriotic imperative.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

2027: “VP Shettima is the soul of the Tinubu ticket.”

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