Politics

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Published

3 years ago

January 2, 2023

News Net Global

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Politics

2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima

Published

1 week ago

September 9, 2025

News Net Global

Tinubu and Shettima

2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima

By: Dr. James Bwala

Recently, the evolving political dynamics in Northern Nigeria ahead of the 2027 presidential election reveal a significant shift in support towards President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima. This change challenges earlier apprehensions surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket, which faced considerable criticism in 2023 for potentially alienating key Christian constituencies within the North-Central and Middle Belt regions. Contrary to these concerns, influential political groups such as the North-Central APC Forum have expressed robust backing for the Tinubu-Shettima ticket, citing sustained regional support driven by strategic appointments of prominent Christian leaders and tangible governance achievements.

I recalled sitting in the congregation on a Sunday morning earlier this year and listening to the preacher. His words struck me with the assurance of faith in the APC administration. It solidifies my continuous advocacy that Nigeria is on the path of the renewed hope promised by the Tinubu and Shettima administration. The charges on the direction this administration is taking and what they were able to achieve further strengthen my appeal for confidence that, like never before in the history of this great country, we have found leaders who are truly committed to bringing back our long-lost hope by the renewal initiative the Tinubu and Kashim Shettima leadership is taking to every doorstepacross Nigeria. A hope—long lost in leadership—is found here with Tinubu and Shettima.

He spoke also on the lingering political questions between the president and his vice, describing the permutations around the rift within the first and second families and predictions by certain classes and groups as evil seeds, which can never come to pass. This has come true with the message of goodwill from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to Vice President Kashim Shettima during the celebration of his 59th birthday. Indeed, the silence that greeted those hoping to see Kashim Shettima replaced confirms the preacher’s testament. The retention of Shettima as running mate is seen not only as a continuation of a winning formula but also as a critical factor in consolidating northern votes estimated to reach up to 90% in certain areas. Indeed, the endorsements from coalitions like the Northern Progressives Coalition underscore an emerging consensus that transcends previous religious and ethnic fault lines, suggesting a recalibration of political allegiances based on performance and perceived stability.

This transition is primarily influenced by several factors, including the performance of previous leaders, regional interests, and the appeal of Tinubu and Shettima as candidates. The North has historically been a vital political bloc in Nigeria. Its immense population translates to significant voting power. Despite the appeal by the coalition leaders, the dissatisfaction of northern voters with candidates like Atiku Abubakar, Nasir el-Rufai, and Peter Obi has been growing. Atiku, a veteran politician, has repeatedly contested for the presidency without achieving success. Many in the North may feel fatigued by his long political career and perceive a lack of fresh ideas or strategies to solve pressing issues.

On the other hand, El-Rufai, despite his role as the Governor of Kaduna State, is often criticized for his handling of security challenges in the region. The North has faced a surge in violence, kidnappings, and terrorism over the years, and some citizens believe el-Rufai’s policies were inadequate. Consequently, confidence in him has diminished as voters seek more reliable leadership in times of crisis.For Mr. Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State, he gained popularity due to his focus on education and economic reforms. However, his appeal may not resonate as strongly in the North, where issues such as security and religious sentiments are of greater concern. As people evaluate their choices, they may prioritize candidates who can address these critical issues effectively.

Whether the opposition agrees or not, those who have been following development in Nigeria know that President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima present a promising alternative for Northern voters. Both have established political careers. Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos State, is known for his influential political machinery and his ability to build alliances across parties. Shettima, his running mate, has been involved in addressing the Boko Haram insurgency during his tenure as governor of Borno State. Their combined experience appeals to voters who are weary of ineffective leadership and are looking for pragmatic solutions to Nigeria’s challenges.

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The regional loyalty also plays a crucial role in the upcoming elections. The North may feel inclined to support candidates who are capable of uniting Nigeria. Tinubu and Shettima’s collaborative approach could foster a sense of national cohesion, further solidifying their candidacy in the hearts of Northern voters. As the political landscape evolves in preparation for the 2027 elections, Tinubu and Shettima’s experience, strategies, and ability to address pressing concerns, as shown by their leadership styles, position them as formidable candidates, likely to gain substantial support from the North in the upcoming elections.

While the political trajectory of Nigeria’s presidency under Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima suggests a continued consolidation of power leading into the 2027 election. Observers and party insiders alike have expressed confidence that the duo will secure victory with a significantly wider margin than in the 2023 polls. This assertion is grounded in several factors, including Tinubu’s strategic governance approach, Shettima’s regional appeal, and their combined ability to maintain a broad coalition across Nigeria’s diverse electorate.

Despite initial controversies surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket, which some analysts feared could alienate key voter blocs, the administration has demonstrated inclusiveness and political dexterity that mitigate such concerns. The careful selection of Shettima as vice president was not only a move to balance regional interests but also to strengthen party unity and electoral prospects. Indeed, internal party structures such as those advocated by influential groups like the North-Central APC Forum highlight strong grassroots support for retaining this ticket, emphasizing their proven effectiveness in mobilizing voters across critical regions.

*James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima

Politics

Shettima’s 59th Birthday: President Tinubu’s Stand Against Calls for Replacement

Published

2 weeks ago

September 5, 2025

News Net Global

VP kashim Shettima

Shettima’s 59th Birthday: President Tinubu’s Stand Against Calls for Replacement

Dr. James Bwala

On September 2, 2025, Nigeria’s Vice President Kashim Shettima celebrated his 59th birthday amidst much public discussion about his political future. Until now, there have been murmurs from certain groups, including political analysts, critics, and so-called prophets, suggesting that Shettima should be replaced. This narrative has sparked significant debate across the country, especially in light of the ongoing economic challenges and security issues Nigeria faces. However, President Bola Tinubu’s unwavering support for Shettima on this special occasion silenced many of those voices, showcasing a united front within the Nigerian government.

The president’s decision to publicly praise Vice President Kashim Shettima on the occasion of his birthday highlighted their strong political alliance and friendship. While he described Vice President Shettima as a dedicated leader and a loyal partner in governance, he effectively countered the claims made by those hoping to see Shettima replaced. This celebration was not just a personal milestone for the vice president but also a political statement, affirming that the current administration stands firm against any factions that might want to disrupt their unity.

The so-called “cabal”—a term often used to describe a group of influential individuals within Nigerian politics—has faced significant scrutiny in recent years. Critics suggest that these individuals try to influence political decisions behind the scenes. However, by publicly supporting Shettima, President Tinubu demonstrates his refusal to allow the cabal’s influence to dictate the direction of his administration. This move is a clear signal to both his supporters and detractors that he is confident in his choices.

Attention also focused on so-called prophets and doomsayers who predicted the vice president’s imminent replacement. These individuals often use social media and public forums to express their predictions, which can create uncertainty. Yet, Tinubu’s positive acknowledgment of Shettima defied these narratives, illustrating that the government is not swayed by speculative concerns or negative forecasts.

READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/vp-kashim-shettima-the-strengths-of-experience-at-59/

Shettima’s 59th birthday became a pivotal moment in Nigerian politics, emphasizing unity and resilience within the current administration. President Tinubu’s support for the vice president serves not only to repel calls for Shettima’s replacement but also to reinforce the notion that stability is vital for Nigeria’s progress. This reflection of solidarity is crucial as the country navigates various challenges, showing that collaboration and loyalty are key ingredients in leadership.

The move by President Tinubu on this occasion reminds citizens that the political landscape is influenced not just by predictions but also by the strength of leaders working together for the common good. The political climate in many countries has shown how leadership can shape the future. Political predictions often forecast outcomes based on past trends, statistics, and public sentiment. While these predictions can serve as guidelines, they do not always capture the essence of what will actually happen. Instead, the true power lies in the ability of leaders to come together, set aside differences, and work toward shared goals.

President Tinubu’s latest initiatives illustrate this point. By assembling a diverse group of leaders from various backgrounds, he demonstrates that collective efforts can lead to better decision-making and more substantial outcomes for citizens.

An excellent example of unified leadership is seen in the responses to major challenges, such as economic downturns or public health crises. During the COVID-19 pandemic, leaders around the world had to collaborate to share resources, information, and strategies. Countries that exemplified unity, like New Zealand, achieved better health outcomes and maintained public trust. Similarly, President Tinubu, by working closely with other political figures and community leaders, can build a resilient framework that helps Nigeria navigate its challenges.

When leaders display teamwork and solidarity, it inspires citizens to unite as well and develop such public trust and confidence in the government, which often hinges on the perceived integrity and cooperative nature of its leaders. If citizens see their leaders working towards common objectives, they are more likely to engage positively with political processes. Indeed, collaborative leadership fosters innovation. When leaders from different political parties or sectors come together, they bring diverse perspectives and ideas. This exchange can lead to creative solutions for longstanding issues, such as poverty, education, and infrastructure. President Tinubu’s administration has the potential to tap into this resource, maximizing the benefits of a collaborative approach.

The political landscape is not merely shaped by forecasts but significantly influenced by the cooperation of leaders aiming for the common good. This is exactly what the Jagaban did and presented a reminder of the power of unity in leadership. By promoting collaboration, leaders can tackle challenges effectively while inspiring their citizens to contribute to a better society. This approach will ultimately lead to positive changes and a brighter future for all come 2027.

James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja

Shettima’s 59th Birthday: President Tinubu’s Stand Against Calls for Replacement

Politics

VP Kashim Shettima: The Strengths of Experience at 59.

Published

2 weeks ago

September 2, 2025

News Net Global

Vice President Kashim Shettima

VP Kashim Shettima: The Strengths of Experience at 59.

Dr. James Bwala

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s extensive experience has enriched his political aptitude, enhanced his approaches to governance, and fostered his effectiveness in contributing to policy implementation in Nigeria. At the age of 59, VP Shettima’s career portfolio showcases an array of political, economic, and social acumen, positioning him as a formidable leader in a nation grappling with multifaceted challenges and experience. Today, in the contemporary landscape of Nigerian politics, where the interplay of youth and experience often shapes leadership dynamics, Vice President Kashim Shettima stands as a significant figure embodying the strengths of experience.

Your Excellency, your political career spans over two decades and showcases a wealth of experience from a leader that is crucial for effective leadership. Beginning as an Honourable Commissioner and later serving as the Governor of Borno State from 2011 to 2019, Shettima has navigated the complexities of governance in one of Nigeria’s most challenging regions. As governor of Borno State at a time that coincided with the height of the Boko Haram insurgency, he developed pragmatic solutions under duress. This tumultuous period not only honed his crisis management skills but also solidified his understanding of security, a critical issue in Nigeria today.

Indeed, your ability to govern effectively in times of crisis underscores the value of experience, particularly when addressing issues that require nuanced understanding and decisive action. I can say this on the rooftop for whosoever cares to hear that VP Shettima’s experience extends beyond mere political maneuvering; it encompasses a profound comprehension of socio-economic policies essential for national development.

Shettima initiated programs aimed at rebuilding infrastructure, revitalizing education, and promoting agricultural sustainability, key sectors essential for Nigeria’s growth, when he was governor of Borno state. These initiatives not only demonstrate his capacity for long-term planning but also highlight an understanding of the interdependencies between security, economic stability, and social well-being. He became the envy of his predecessor, a reason that still reels out passion on the screen. When many leaders are quick to react without considering broader implications, Shettima’s approach exemplifies a strategy rooted in experiential learning and adaptive governance.

Another critical strength derived from Shettima’s extensive experience is his capacity to forge alliances and cultivate relationships across diverse political spectrums. Political landscapes are often fraught with partisan divisions, and a leader who can navigate these waters is invaluable. Shettima’s ability to build coalitions is evidenced by his role in various regional and national dialogues aimed at fostering peace and collaboration among differing factions. Even haters mocked themselves when it came to feeding his reactions. Such diplomacy is increasingly vital in Nigeria, where ethnic, religious, and cultural divides can threaten national unity.

The Vice President, Kashim Shettima, is an example of how seasoned leaders can bridge gaps and foster collaboration, contributing to a more cohesive governance structure. His experience provides him with a historical context that is often lacking in some personalities, who claim to be leaders. Understanding the past is essential for informed decision-making and policy formulation. Leaders well-versed in historical injustices, socio-economic disparities, and regional dynamics are better equipped to enact legislation that addresses systemic issues rather than mere symptoms. Shettima’s insights into the roots of poverty, unemployment, and disenfranchisement allow him to champion policies that are both relevant and forward-thinking.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/president-tinubu-to-vp-shettima-at-59our-relationship-transcends-official-duties-it-is-a-bridge-across-regions-and-traditions-united-in-purpose-and-service/

His ability to read many books built the exposure to various leadership roles. This has endowed him with a comprehensive understanding of the bureaucracy and institutional frameworks necessary for effective governance. While as Commissioner in Borno State and as Governor, Shettima was familiar with the complexities of public administration—an advantage that some leaders may overlook or underestimate. He remains a leader who comprehends the intricacies of state machinery and can better navigate bureaucratic challenges, ensuring that policies are not only created but also effectively implemented. This ability is particularly important in Nigeria, where inefficient bureaucracies often stifle progress and frustrate the citizenry. In this, Shettima stands better and ahead of critics.

Indeed, critics of experience-centered leadership may argue that it can lead to stagnation and an inability to adapt to new ideas, especially in a rapidly changing technological and social landscape. However, Shettima’s track record counters this notion. The vice president has demonstrated a willingness to embrace innovation while leveraging traditional methods. For instance, during his governorship, he introduced technology-based solutions to enhance educational outcomes and agricultural productivity, showcasing a harmonious integration of experience and innovation. This demonstrates that experience does not equate to inflexibility; rather, it can facilitate a more informed approach to embracing change.

As Nigeria continues to confront persistent challenges, the need for experienced leadership becomes ever more critical. Your robust background equips you to address these issues effectively, employing lessons learned from previous successes and failures. Your Excellency, your experience positions you uniquely as a leader who can navigate the nuanced terrain of Nigerian politics, making informed decisions that prioritize the nation’s long-term interests over transient gains.

Happy Birthday, Mr. Vice President, Kashim Shettima, my leader and brother. Your 59 years of life experience serve as a cornerstone of your leadership effectiveness. And of course, your extensive political career, coupled with your adeptness in crisis management, socio-economic policy formulation, and coalition-building, illustrates that experience is not merely beneficial but essential in navigating Nigeria’s complex socio-political landscape.

As Nigeria seeks to overcome its challenges, Vice President Kashim Shettima embodies a model of leadership that is informed by experience, capable of fostering unity, and committed to implementing effective governance strategies. Embracing such seasoned leadership is imperative for a nation striving for progress and sustainability in an ever-evolving world.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

VP Kashim Shettima: The Strengths of Experience at 59.