Politics
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
By: Dele Alake
On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.
Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.
In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.
Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.
That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.
While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !
Third term agenda
Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.
Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.
Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence
While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.
Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.
Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.
In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.
False claim of mentorship
Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.
To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.
All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.
Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.
His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.
Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?
He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/
Capacity to identify and nurture leaders
It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.
The shame of Anambra
Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!
With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.
But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.
Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !
- Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Politics
VP Kashim Shettima: Leadership, Loyalty, and When Truth Laughs Last
VP Kashim Shettima: Leadership, Loyalty, and When Truth Laughs Last
By: Dr. James Bwala
It is undeniably a fact that the political landscape is often fraught with tension, rivalries, and competing narratives everywhere in the world where democracy thrives. In Nigeria, the recent criticisms directed at Vice President Kashim Shettima highlight the complexities of political alliances and the nature of public perception, especially where people don’t look for facts. Critics now calling for Shettima’s replacement ahead of the 2027 elections appear to forget their past demeanor during a critical juncture for the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its leadership, particularly when Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ambition was still a dream. The narrative that seeks to undermine Shettima’s long-standing association with Tinubu, or “Jagaban,” is not only misguided but also undermines the principles of loyalty and consistency that are crucial in political partnerships.
At the heart of this discussion is the theme of loyalty in politics. Those who now vilify Shettima were, at some point, reluctant participants in the renewal of hope that characterized the Tinubu campaign. When the winds were unfavorable, and doubts about Tinubu’s presidential aspirations loomed large, Shettima emerged as a steadfast ally, rallying support and reinforcing confidence in Tinubu’s eventual success. This unwavering support is a testament to Shettima’s character and political acumen. In times of uncertainty, true leaders demonstrate their commitment not by wavering under pressure but by standing firm in their convictions. Shettima did stand firm.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/borno-2027-fear-grips-political-elites-as-the-move-to-seek-governor-zulums-dark-horse-tops-discussion/
By revisiting this historical context, we can better understand the motivations behind the current wave of criticism. The calls for Shettima’s replacement seem to stem from an oversimplification of a highly intricate political relationship. Shettima’s partnership with Tinubu is built on years of collaboration and shared goals. A strong partnership can withstand the test of time only if both parties remain committed to their collective vision. The attempts to dismantle Shettima’s reputation reflect a misunderstanding of the dynamics at play; it isn’t merely about individual ambitions, but rather about maintaining the integrity of a well-established alliance.
Critics often resort to fabrications and speculative narratives that seek to portray Shettima as disloyal or ineffective. Such discourse serves little purpose other than to fuel division within the party and provide cover for individuals who may feel threatened by Shettima’s longstanding influence. This tendency to rewrite history reflects a broader issue within political discourse—the inclination to prioritize short-term gains over the long-term benefits of solidarity among allies. As political operatives engage in this behavior, they risk alienating those who genuinely believe in the party’s vision.
This criticism can also be interpreted as a reflection of insecurity among certain factions within the APC. By targeting Shettima, they aim to weaken one of the most formidable supporters of Tinubu, thus hoping to elevate their own standings within the party hierarchy. However, such tactics may ultimately backfire as they foster an atmosphere of distrust and resentment. The strength of any political party lies in its ability to unify its members around common goals. Infighting serves only to distract from the real issues facing the nation and creates opportunities for opposition parties to seize upon divisions.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/borno-2027-fear-grips-political-elites-as-the-move-to-seek-governor-zulums-dark-horse-tops-discussion/
Addressing the partnership between Shettima and Tinubu must involve acknowledging their shared vision for Nigeria. Both politicians understand the imperative of economic development, security enhancement, and social cohesion in governing a nation as diverse as Nigeria. Their collaborative efforts have consistently focused on addressing these challenges head-on. Therefore, any attempt to malign Shettima’s contributions is essentially a critique of the larger framework they have both participated in forging. To dismiss his role is to diminish the significant strides taken by the APC under their joint stewardship.
Additionally, history will reveal whether or not the severe criticism leveled against Shettima is based in reality or merely serves the interests of those seeking to disrupt the status quo. Politicians come and go, but foundational reputations are built over years. Shettima has proven his mettle not just as a vice president, but as a reputable political player who commands respect within various circles. One cannot erase decades of hard work and an exemplary track record due to transient political friction or fabricated narratives. Indeed, truth and reputation are enduring forces that often transcend the fleeting nature of political rivalry.
As observers of Nigerian politics evaluate the current milieu, it becomes vital to encourage a more informed dialogue regarding leadership and loyalty. It is unjust to hold individuals accountable for mistakes made by a collective, especially when loyalty requires a degree of faith that can sometimes be tested. Politics should not devolve into an arena for personal vendettas cloaked as ideological disputes. Instead, it should embrace the tenets of constructive criticism and unity.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/borno-2027-fear-grips-political-elites-as-the-move-to-seek-governor-zulums-dark-horse-tops-discussion/
The clamor for Vice President Kashim Shettima’s replacement, fueled by unsubstantiated claims and a disregard for historical allegiances, risks destabilizing the very foundation of the APC. Those who now criticize him must reckon with the fact that their distance during Shettima’s unwavering support for Tinubu illustrates a fundamental lack of accountability in their own political journey. Loyalty, consistency, and mutual respect must guide political behavior if there is to be sustainable progress. History teaches us that while individual fortunes may rise and fall, the legacy of partnerships forged in loyalty and common purpose endures. It is this enduring truth that stands against the tides of fabricated stories, ensuring that ultimately, truth will indeed laugh last.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
VP Kashim Shettima: Leadership, Loyalty, and When Truth Laughs Last
Politics
Borno 2027: Fear grips political elites as the move to seek Governor Zulum’s dark horse tops discussion.
Borno 2027: Fear grips political elites as the move to seek Governor Zulum’s dark horse tops discussion.
By: Dr. James Bwala
“Who is this ‘DARK HORSE’?” Several callers have asked me this question since my last publication on Borno politics. Some of these questions are coming from frontline foot soldiers of powerful individuals, who pride themselves as the gods of Borno politics; others are curious political analysts and onlookers, who wanted to know for a side corner gist on political happenings since that declaration by the governor. I have told some of them to ask the governor who gave the hint about his bold political stance and why he revealed it. However, what I know is that the political landscape in Borno State is becoming increasingly charged, especially in response to Governor Babagana Zulum’s bold proclamations regarding his future political ambitions. Following his declaration of stepping on “big toes,” a metaphor that signifies challenging entrenched interests within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the reactions from political elites have ranged from heading to open hostility to strategic maneuvering.
To fully grasp the extent of the political maneuverings taking place, we must first acknowledge the significance of Governor Zulum’s position. His tenure has been marked by significant gains in infrastructure development, security, and social welfare programs—an impressive record, particularly in a state that has faced challenges from insurgency and socio-economic instability. However, with success often comes resistance; the entrenched political leaders who have long benefited from the status quo are now feeling threatened by Zulum’s progressive vision for the future.
READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/zulums-bold-gambit-the-2027-dark-horse-and-big-toes-in-borno/
The phrase “stepping on big toes” resonates strongly within the context of Borno’s political culture. It suggests an intention to disrupt a well-established order, one that is often characterized by patronage networks and political favors that can stifle genuine progress. Such a disruption can evoke panic among the political elites who depend on these structures for maintaining their influence. The response to Zulum’s statements may lead to both physical and spiritual dimensions of political strategy, indicating an urgent and desperate effort to regain control and resist change.
Feedback from the public sphere, particularly through platforms such as News Net Global, Borno social media platforms, and other political platforms, reveals widespread discontent among the political elite. The discussions surrounding Zulum’s declaration demonstrate a palpable fear of his potential to consolidate power if he continues on a path of reform. Strategic questioning about his motives, coupled with appeals to traditional power structures, signals a brewing political war. In a state where loyalty and allegiance can dictate political survival, these elites are scrambling to secure their positions as they perceive Zulum’s moves as existential threats.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulums-bold-gambit-the-2027-dark-horse-and-big-toes-in-borno/
In Political Communication, we learned that a key aspect of any political battle involves the narratives constructed around leadership. Borno State Governor Zulum’s ability to frame himself as a reformist willing to confront established interests gives him considerable leverage in rallying public support. Moreover, the contrast between his governance style—marked by transparency, accountability, and accessibility—and the more opaque practices of his adversaries could solidify his standing in the eyes of the electorate. Yet, this very visibility might also serve as a target on his back, inviting opposition from those who feel their power diminishing as the situation is suggesting following his bold gambit.
In light of these political tensions, it is essential for Borno’s political elites to recognize that responding reactively to Zulum’s ambitions may ultimately prove detrimental to the political fabric of the state. Instead of clashing with Zulum in a bid to suppress his influence, they should consider the possibility of engaging with him in a dialogue aimed at collaborative governance. Embracing reform does not necessitate the loss of their political careers; rather, it could signify a transformative shift toward a more robust democratic framework that benefits all stakeholders.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulums-bold-gambit-the-2027-dark-horse-and-big-toes-in-borno/
For such engagement to occur, a roadmap for reform must be articulated—one that aligns the interests of the political elite with the broader goals of state development. This would require introspection within the APC and a willingness among its members to recognize that the grievances of the populace can no longer be ignored. By prioritizing community engagement, addressing corruption, and fostering economic opportunities, political elites can reposition themselves within a changing landscape while still anchoring themselves in the party system.
Introducing policy initiatives that directly address the concerns of the electorate can also help alleviate some of the pressures facing these elites. For example, focusing on youth empowerment programs, education, and skill acquisition can significantly alter public perception. Political elites must advocate for policies that resonate with the needs of ordinary citizens, allowing them to remain relevant even in the face of Zulum’s reformist agenda.
The pervasive use of media—be it traditional or social—should not be underestimated in shaping the political discourse. The conversations sparked by digital platforms can be harnessed to present a unified front among political elites, advocating for a shared vision for Borno that emphasizes stability and growth. This requires strategic communication and coalition-building efforts among various factions within the party, reducing the likelihood of factionalism that can arise from individualistic agendas.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulums-bold-gambit-the-2027-dark-horse-and-big-toes-in-borno/
However, this collaborative approach must recognize that power dynamics within the APC and the broader political arena are shifting. The emergence of new leaders who align themselves with Zulum’s vision cannot be overlooked. Rather than viewing these new entrants as competitors, current elites should aim to mentor and incorporate them into a new framework of governance that reflects the aspirations of a younger, more dynamic voter base.
Simultaneously, the power of grassroots movements must not be underestimated as well. The mobilization of civil society organizations and the active participation of citizens in the political process are vital avenues through which public sentiments can be channeled. Political elites must engage with these movements rather than dismiss them, understanding that they represent an important demographic that will influence electoral outcomes. By fostering relationships with community leaders and activists, elites can ensure that their voices are heard, bolstering their own legitimacy in a landscape where political authority is increasingly scrutinized.
Looking ahead to the 2027 elections, the stakes are high for all involved. The landscape is primed for a significant shift, one that could either reinforce the status quo or usher in a new era of governance. If Borno’s political elites choose to unite around a common vision that balances reform with the realities of an evolving political climate, they may well find a path to coexistence with Governor Zulum. Such unity can yield dividends that exceed individual aspirations, resulting in a strengthened political framework capable of addressing the myriad challenges facing the state.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulums-bold-gambit-the-2027-dark-horse-and-big-toes-in-borno/
As the political drama unfolds in Borno amidst Governor Zulum’s ambitious plans, it becomes clear that the time for decisive action is now. Political elites in the APC must move beyond their immediate fears and engage in a constructive dialogue that encourages reform while preserving their influence. By embracing a spirit of collaboration, they have the potential not only to safeguard their political futures but also to contribute meaningfully to the state’s development. The stakes could not be higher, and the need for enlightened leadership has never been more pressing. The choices made in the coming months will determine not only the outcome of the next election but also the trajectory of governance in Borno State for years to come.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
Borno 2027: Fear grips political elites as the move to seek Governor Zulum’s dark horse tops discussion.
Politics
Zulum’s bold gambit: The 2027 dark horse and big toes in Borno
Zulum’s bold gambit: The 2027 dark horse and big toes in Borno
By: Dr. James Bwala
Governor Babagana Umara Zulum’s declaration of readiness to “step on some big toes” for his dark horse candidate has ignited a fervent debate within Borno State’s political arena. This statement, delivered on the floor of the Borno State House of Assembly, raises critical questions about who these influential figures are and what stakes are involved in the impending 2027 elections.
Borno, often described as a political boiling pot, is witnessing an intensification of rivalries among entrenched power brokers and emerging contenders from APC to ADC eager to assert dominance in a region marked by complex socio-political dynamics. The governor’s bold stance through speaking to the APC block not only signals his determination to challenge established interests but also foreshadows potential realignments that could reshape the state’s governance landscape.
In this context, understanding the intricate political dynamics at play is essential for comprehending how Zulum’s strategy might influence electoral outcomes and broader regional stability. Observers speculate that the “big toes” Zulum refers to could be influential political figures and entrenched interests who have long held sway over Borno’s political machinery.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulum-successor-2027-four-names-trending-on-the-borno-social-media-platform/
The anticipation surrounding Zulum’s maneuvers is palpable, with many analysts keenly observing whether his actions will indeed disrupt the entrenched power structures or merely ruffle feathers without significant change. However, the governor’s willingness to challenge these established powers is seen by some as a necessary step towards fostering transparency and accountability in a political environment often criticized for its opacity and entrenched patronage networks.
As the political temperature rises, Zulum’s approach could either galvanize support from reform-minded constituents or provoke backlash from those with vested interests in maintaining the status quo. The governor’s actions, while potentially divisive, also present an opportunity to dismantle long-standing barriers to progress and initiate much-needed reforms in governance practices. His readiness to confront these entrenched interests may well redefine political alliances.
Only time will tell if Zulum’s bold gambit will yield the transformative change he envisions or if it will merely serve as a cautionary tale for future leaders daring to challenge the entrenched status quo. As Zulum navigates this intricate political landscape, his actions might also set a precedent for how emerging leaders across Nigeria could challenge the status quo, potentially inspiring a new wave of political reform throughout the country.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulum-successor-2027-four-names-trending-on-the-borno-social-media-platform/
In this unfolding political drama, the stakes are high, and the governor’s next moves will be crucial in determining whether his bold vision can indeed reshape the future of Borno politics. Amidst the swirling political intrigue, Zulum’s willingness to challenge entrenched power structures could inspire a paradigm shift in how governance is approached, not just in Borno but potentially across Nigeria’s broader political landscape.
Against this backdrop, political analysts are keenly observing how Zulum’s confrontational stance could redefine alliances and power dynamics within the state APC. As the countdown to the 2027 elections continues, Zulum’s bold declaration has not only sparked intrigue but also set the stage for a potential political reshuffling that could significantly alter Borno’s power hierarchy.
While the full extent of Zulum’s strategy remains shrouded in mystery, his willingness to challenge entrenched power structures suggests a radical shift that could redefine the political landscape in Borno. The governor’s bold declaration has not only captured public attention but also set the stage for a potentially transformative period in Borno’s political arena.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/zulum-successor-2027-four-names-trending-on-the-borno-social-media-platform/
The political landscape in Borno is on the brink of transformation. Political commentators suggest that these “big toes” could belong to influential figures within the state’s political elite, whose interests have long dictated the course of governance in Borno. With the influential elite potentially feeling threatened by Zulum’s audacious approach, the political atmosphere is rife with speculation about which power brokers may find their interests jeopardized.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
Zulum’s bold gambit: The 2027 dark horse and big toes in Borno
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