Politics
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
By: Dele Alake
On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.
Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.
In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.
Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.
That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.
While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !
Third term agenda
Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.
Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.
Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence
While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.
Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.
Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.
In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.
False claim of mentorship
Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.
To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.
All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.
Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.
His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.
Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?
He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!
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Capacity to identify and nurture leaders
It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.
The shame of Anambra
Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!
With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.
But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.
Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !
- Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.
Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism
Politics
Building Beyond His Tenure: Why Zulum’s Transformative Footprints Will Outlive His Government
Building Beyond His Tenure: Why Zulum’s Transformative Footprints Will Outlive His Government
By: Dr. James Bwala
Public leadership is often criticized. In a democratic society, citizens have the right to question government policies, challenge official decisions, and demand accountability from those entrusted with public resources. Such scrutiny is not only legitimate but necessary. However, criticism becomes destructive when it is driven by personal hostility, political bitterness, misinformation, or the use of unprintable names against public officials. In the case of Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, Governor of Borno State, the intensity of some attacks cannot erase the visible transformation taking place across the state.
Regardless of the negative opinions expressed by certain individuals, one fact remains difficult to dispute: Governor Zulum’s administration has made significant investments in healthcare, education, roads, bridges, flyovers, reconstruction, human capital development, and the restoration of hope among citizens affected by years of insecurity. These accomplishments are not merely political claims or campaign slogans. They are physical and institutional developments that can be seen, assessed, used, and remembered. While political arguments may fade with time, projects that improve people’s lives often become enduring evidence of a leader’s contribution to society.
Borno State has faced extraordinary challenges. For more than a decade, the state has endured terrorism, displacement, destruction of public infrastructure, economic disruption, and the trauma of communities separated from their homes. In such an environment, governance requires more than routine administration. It demands courage, vision, compassion, and the ability to rebuild amid uncertainty. Governor Zulum inherited a state in which many citizens were not only seeking employment or better roads but also struggling to return safely to their communities, access healthcare, educate their children, and rebuild their livelihoods.
The scale of these challenges makes the progress recorded under his administration especially important. Leadership should be judged within context. It is reasonable to ask whether every problem has been solved, because no administration can solve all problems at once. However, it is unfair to ignore meaningful progress simply because difficulties remain. The existence of unfinished work does not invalidate completed work. Instead, it emphasizes the value of continuity, constructive criticism, and collective responsibility.
One of the most important areas in which Governor Zulum’s administration has made an impact is healthcare. In a state affected by conflict and displacement, healthcare is not a luxury; it is a basic necessity and a foundation for survival and recovery. Hospitals and primary healthcare centers require buildings, equipment, medicines, trained personnel, and reliable access for rural populations. The administration’s efforts to improve healthcare infrastructure and expand access demonstrate an understanding that rebuilding Borno must include rebuilding its health system.
Renovated and newly constructed health facilities provide citizens with a closer and safer means of receiving treatment. They also support maternal and child healthcare, emergency services, disease prevention, and general medical care. In communities where people previously travelled long distances to seek treatment, the presence of functional healthcare centers can make the difference between life and death. Such projects may not always attract the same public attention as political speeches, but their effect on families is profound.
Healthcare development also contributes to the return and resettlement of displaced persons. People are more likely to return to their communities when they know that essential services are available. A rebuilt community without hospitals, schools, roads, and clean water cannot easily become a stable home. Therefore, investment in healthcare forms part of a broader strategy for peacebuilding and recovery. It restores not only buildings but also confidence in the future.
Education is another area in which the governor’s contribution deserves recognition. No society can achieve sustainable development without educating its children and young people. In Borno, years of insurgency disrupted schooling, destroyed educational facilities, displaced teachers, and forced thousands of children out of the classroom. Addressing this crisis requires the construction and rehabilitation of schools, the recruitment and training of teachers, the provision of learning materials, and policies that encourage children to return to school.
Governor Zulum’s emphasis on education reflects the understanding that insecurity thrives where ignorance, poverty, and hopelessness are allowed to grow. Every classroom restored is an investment in peace. Every child brought back to school represents a reduction in the risk of a lost generation. Education equips young people with knowledge, skills, discipline, and the ability to contribute positively to society. It also gives families a reason to believe that their children can build lives beyond conflict and displacement.
The importance of educational development cannot be measured only by the number of buildings constructed. Its deeper value lies in the opportunities it creates. Schools shape future teachers, doctors, engineers, civil servants, entrepreneurs, and community leaders. Years from now, many people who benefit from today’s educational investments may occupy positions that influence Borno and Nigeria as a whole. When that happens, the facilities and policies that helped them will remain part of the state’s historical story.
Infrastructure is another visible area of transformation. Good roads connect communities, support commerce, reduce transportation costs, improve access to schools and hospitals, and strengthen security operations. In a state with vast rural areas and communities affected by conflict, road construction and rehabilitation are essential to economic recovery. Farmers need roads to transport produce to markets. Patients need roads to reach hospitals. Students and teachers need reliable routes to schools. Businesses need efficient transportation networks to grow.
The development of roads, bridges, and flyovers represents more than the construction of concrete and asphalt. It reflects the restoration of movement, connection, and confidence. A well-designed road can reconnect communities that were previously isolated. A bridge can open access to markets and social services. A flyover can improve traffic flow, reduce congestion, and modernize an urban environment. These projects may be criticized on the basis of design, cost, or priority, and such questions should be answered transparently. Nevertheless, their practical benefits should not be dismissed merely because some people oppose the governor politically.
Urban development also sends a powerful message about the identity of Borno State. For years, public discussion about Borno was dominated by insecurity and destruction. While the security situation remains a serious concern, the development of roads, flyovers, public buildings, and other infrastructure presents a different image: a state determined to rebuild and move forward. Development does not mean pretending that problems no longer exist. Rather, it means refusing to allow those problems to define the state permanently.
Another notable aspect of Governor Zulum’s administration is the focus on reconstruction and the return of displaced persons. Displacement is not solved simply by transporting people back to their communities. Returnees require housing, security, schools, healthcare, water, electricity, roads, and economic opportunities. They need to feel that their return is not temporary or unsafe. The rebuilding of communities therefore demands coordination, patience, and sustained investment.
By supporting reconstruction and resettlement, the administration has contributed to restoring dignity to people who were forced to leave their homes. A house is more than a structure; it is a place of belonging. A community is more than a collection of buildings; it is a network of relationships, memories, markets, schools, and places of worship. Rebuilding these communities helps heal the psychological and social wounds caused by conflict.
Of course, no responsible assessment should portray the administration as perfect. Borno still faces security challenges, unemployment, poverty, humanitarian needs, and demands for greater accountability. Public officials must remain open to criticism and must explain how public funds are spent. Projects should be completed according to quality standards, and citizens should be able to ask legitimate questions without intimidation. Constructive criticism strengthens governance, while blind praise can conceal weaknesses.
However, criticism must be distinguished from abuse. Calling a public official unprintable names does not constitute a meaningful evaluation of policy. Insults do not improve hospitals, repair roads, educate children, or create employment. They merely lower the quality of public discourse. Those who disagree with the governor should present evidence, propose alternatives, and identify areas requiring improvement. Political opposition has value when it helps government perform better; it becomes harmful when it seeks only to destroy reputations and deny visible achievements.
The ultimate test of leadership is not whether everyone offers praise. No leader can satisfy every individual or group. The more important question is whether policies produce meaningful results for ordinary people. Are communities receiving services? Are schools being restored? Are roads improving movement? Are hospitals becoming more accessible? Are displaced families returning with greater dignity and hope? Are young people gaining opportunities? These are the questions that history will ask.
History is not written only through social media arguments, political slogans, or temporary controversies. It is written through institutions, infrastructure, public records, human experiences, and the memories of citizens. A person who receives medical attention in a renovated facility may remember the administration differently from someone who only follows political debates online. A student who returns to a rebuilt school may understand the value of government investment in a deeply personal way. A farmer who transports produce more easily because of an improved road may care less about insults and more about practical results.
This is why Governor Zulum’s transformative works will remain relevant beyond the present political moment. Governments change, politicians come and go, and public arguments eventually lose their urgency. But schools continue to educate children, hospitals continue to serve patients, roads continue to connect communities, and flyovers continue to shape urban movement. These physical and social assets become part of the permanent development record of the state.
The people of Borno therefore have a responsibility to protect the gains made and demand even greater progress. Development should not be treated as the personal property of one political party or one individual. Public projects belong to the people. Citizens should use them responsibly, monitor their quality, and insist that future administrations build upon them rather than abandon them. In the same way, supporters of the governor should avoid responding to criticism with abuse. The strongest defense of good governance is evidence, not aggression.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja
Building Beyond His Tenure: Why Zulum’s Transformative Footprints Will Outlive His Government
2027: Opposition Politics Must Not Distort Nigeria’s Food Security Crisis
By: Dr. James Bwala
The claim that Nigeria’s Federal Minister of Agriculture has released a report warning citizens against re-electing President Bola Tinubu in 2027 is misleading. It turns a serious food-security assessment into an opposition campaign message and attaches a political conclusion to a report that does not make such a conclusion. While Nigeria’s worsening food crisis demands urgent government action and accountability, it is wrong to manipulate statistics or attribute partisan statements to the Federal Ministry of Agriculture or international food-security institutions.
The facts must be separated from political interpretation. The October 2026 Cadre Harmonisé assessment reportedly projects that approximately 33.5 million Nigerians could face acute food insecurity between June and August 2027. This is an alarming figure. It represents a serious threat to the welfare, health, and stability of millions of Nigerians. However, nowhere in the reported assessment does it state that this outcome will occur if President Bola Tinubu wins the 2027 presidential election. That political condition was added by the authors of the viral message. It is not an established finding of the report.
This distinction is important because reports produced by professional food security institutions are designed to assess hunger, food availability, household vulnerability, and related risks. They are not election manifestos. The Cadre Harmonisé does not endorse one candidate, oppose another, or predict the result of a presidential election. Presenting it as a warning against re-electing President Tinubu is therefore an abuse of the report’s purpose and a distortion of its content.
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The issue is not whether the Tinubu administration should be criticized. It should be held accountable for its management of the economy, food prices, agricultural productivity, fuel costs, insecurity, and social welfare. The issue is whether such criticism should be based on evidence. A democratic society requires strong scrutiny of government, but political accountability loses its value when it depends on fabricated quotations, invented conditions, or misleading comparisons.
One of the most important distortions in the circulating claim is the comparison between 26.8 million people projected to face acute food insecurity between October and December 2026 and 33.5 million projected between June and August 2027. At first glance, these figures may appear to demonstrate a sharp and direct deterioration under the Tinubu administration. However, the two numbers relate to different seasonal periods. Comparing them without explaining the seasonal context can mislead the public.
June to August is traditionally a difficult lean season in many parts of Nigeria. During this period, household food stocks from the previous harvest often decline, while the next major harvest may not yet have arrived. Food prices can rise, rural households may become more dependent on markets, and poor families can experience greater difficulty meeting their basic needs. By contrast, October to December generally overlaps with harvest and post-harvest periods in many areas, when food availability may improve. Therefore, an increase between these two periods does not automatically prove that the entire difference was caused by a new government policy or a presidential election outcome.
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This does not mean that the projected 33.5 million figure should be dismissed. Seasonal patterns explain part of the difference, but they do not remove the need for urgent intervention. A projection of this scale indicates that millions of Nigerians may face inadequate access to food and may be unable to meet their minimum nutritional requirements. The government must treat the warning as an emergency planning signal. It should strengthen food production, improve market access, reduce post-harvest losses, protect vulnerable households, and address the insecurity that prevents farmers from cultivating their land.
It is also inaccurate to suggest that Nigeria’s food-insecurity crisis began with President Tinubu. Food insecurity has been a persistent national challenge for many years, caused by poverty, unemployment, conflict, climate shocks, weak infrastructure, inflation, poor storage systems, and limited access to agricultural finance and inputs. According to earlier assessments, the Food and Agriculture Organization projected that 30.6 million Nigerians could face acute food insecurity in 2025 and that 34.7 million could be at risk in 2026. These figures demonstrate that the problem predates the current administration.
Recognizing the history of the crisis, however, does not absolve the Tinubu government of responsibility. Every administration inherits national problems, but it is judged by how it responds to them. President Tinubu’s government must therefore explain what it is doing to reduce food inflation, support farmers, stabilize transport and energy costs, improve rural security, and protect consumers from the loss of purchasing power. Nigerians cannot eat explanations about inherited problems. They need effective policies that produce measurable improvements in their lives.
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The removal of fuel subsidies, for example, has had broad consequences for food prices because transportation and agricultural production depend heavily on fuel. Farmers face higher costs for transporting inputs and produce. Traders spend more to move food from rural areas to urban markets. Consumers then pay more for basic staples. Although the government may argue that subsidy reform is necessary for long-term economic stability, it also has a responsibility to manage the immediate social consequences. Reform without adequate protection for poor households can deepen hunger and increase vulnerability.
Insecurity is another major factor. Farmers in several parts of the country have faced attacks, displacement, kidnapping, and restricted access to farmland. When agricultural communities cannot safely plant, harvest, or transport their produce, the effects extend beyond the affected villages. Production falls, supply chains weaken, and food prices rise. An effective food-security policy must therefore include protection for farming communities, early-warning systems, conflict prevention, and improved rural infrastructure. Food security cannot be separated from national security.
The government must also address agricultural productivity. Nigeria has significant agricultural potential, but many farmers still lack reliable access to quality seeds, fertilizer, irrigation, extension services, credit, storage, and modern equipment. Climate change adds further pressure through irregular rainfall, flooding, drought, and changing planting seasons. Government programs should be assessed according to their actual results rather than the size of their announcements. Nigerians need transparent information about how much support reaches farmers, which regions benefit, and whether production and household incomes are improving.
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At the same time, political parties and opposition groups have a duty to communicate responsibly. Opposition is essential in a democracy. It is legitimate to question the government’s record, challenge official statistics, expose policy failures, and propose alternatives. However, opposition politics should not rely on misinformation. Turning a technical assessment into an electoral slogan may generate attention, but it damages public understanding and weakens confidence in institutions.
The consequences of this type of manipulation are serious. When citizens discover that a viral political claim has misrepresented an official report, they may become suspicious of all information, including accurate warnings about hunger. This creates a dangerous situation. Food-security assessments depend on public trust because governments, humanitarian agencies, and communities must use them to plan interventions. If such reports are repeatedly presented as partisan documents, their credibility can be damaged.
The public should therefore ask basic questions before accepting or sharing politically charged claims. What exactly does the original report say? Is the quotation verifiable? Are the compared periods the same? Does the report identify a cause, or does it merely present a projection? Has an institution actually made the political statement being attributed to it? These questions are especially important during election periods, when facts are often selected or rearranged to support campaign narratives.
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The projected figure of 33.5 million Nigerians facing acute food insecurity between June and August 2027 should be treated as a warning, not as an election prophecy. It is a call for immediate planning and action. The Federal Government should work with state governments, farmers’ organizations, humanitarian agencies, researchers, and community leaders to prepare for the lean season. Intervention should include targeted social protection, food assistance for the most vulnerable, support for smallholder farmers, investment in irrigation and storage, and measures to improve market stability.
Civil society and the media also have an important role. Journalists should verify reports before publishing sensational political interpretations. Fact-checking organizations should identify manipulated statistics and provide the public with the relevant context. Political actors should be challenged when they present institutional findings inaccurately, regardless of their party affiliation. Fair standards must apply to both government supporters and opponents.
Ultimately, Nigerians deserve two things at the same time: honest criticism and accurate information. It is possible to acknowledge that food insecurity predates President Tinubu while also holding his administration responsible for its present response. It is possible to reject a misleading campaign claim without defending every government policy. It is possible to insist that the government must do more without inventing conclusions that do not appear in an official assessment.
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The warning is serious. Millions of Nigerians may face acute food insecurity, and the projected increase requires urgent attention. Food inflation, insecurity, weak agricultural productivity, high fuel costs, and declining household purchasing power are real problems. The Tinubu administration must be judged by the effectiveness, transparency, and speed of its response. But that judgment must be based on evidence rather than fabricated quotations or political additions.
The Cadre Harmonisé is a food-security assessment, not an opposition campaign document. It does not endorse Atiku, oppose Tinubu, or predict the outcome of the 2027 election. Nigerians should criticize the president where the facts justify criticism and defend him where the facts justify defense. Above all, political debate must not be built on manufactured conclusions. Nigeria’s food crisis is too serious to be reduced to propaganda. The country needs truth, accountability, and practical action—not manipulated statistics presented as institutional warnings.
*James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja
2027: Opposition Politics Must Not Distort Nigeria’s Food Security Crisis
INEC engages Adamawa stakeholders on electoral risk management sensitisation
By Mohammed Ibrahim
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Adamawa has engaged stakeholders on risk management sensitisation to improve preparedness towards ensuring a peaceful, credible and successful electoral process.
Speaking at the one day workshop in Yola, the state Residents Electoral Commissioner (REC), Muhammad Nura said, the workshop is important as the commission intensifies preparations for the 2027 General Election.
He said the engagement would provide an opportunity for participants to exchange experiences, clarify expectations, and strengthen the channels of communication and cooperation necessary for effective electoral planning.
“It also reinforces the need for all stakeholders to remain proactive, responsive, and committed to their various responsibilities.
“I encourage participants to approach the sessions with an open mind and a willingness to learn from one another”, he said.
According to him, the experiences and insights shared will enrich collective understanding and help ensure that the objectives of the workshop are achieved.
Mr Sa’ad Sadik, Head of Department, planning and monitoring INEC Adamawa
listed some of the objectives of the engagement to include; identify State-Specific Electoral Risks.
“Deepen participants’ understanding of the Electoral risk management framework, its application, and its importance in preparing for the 2027 General Election.
“Taking into account local circumstances and emerging threats that may affect the electoral process and promote stakeholder collaboration”, he said.
He also called on the stakeholders to strengthen information sharing in the effective management of electoral risks.
The Commissioner of Police (CP) Kabir Hassan represented ACP Ibrahim Kambra in charge of operations, appreciated the INEC for the engagement at the right time.
He assured of effective collaboration and deployment of sufficient security personnel to all identify risk areas for peaceful election.
Aminat Terry, Department of Planning and Monitoring INEC, Abuja said, the commission would commence data analysis at the security thread Local Government Areas towards ensuring peaceful electoral.
Some of the risks factors identified by challenges the Electoral Office (EOs) include insurgency, kidnapping, communal clashes, hard to reach areas, ballot snatching and huggery.
According to her, the commission will conduct data analysis in all the identified risks areas between Nov. 1st and 6th.
Terry said the commission had been upgraded to new technology to ease some of the challenges faced in the past.
The Commissioner of Police (CP) Kabir Hassan appreciates INEC for the engagement at the right time.
The CP who was represented by ACP Ibrahim Kambra in charge of operations,
assured of effective collaboration and deployment of sufficient security personnel to all identified risk areas for peaceful conduct of the elections.
INEC engages Adamawa stakeholders on electoral risk management sensitisation
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