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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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3 years ago

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Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

By: Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.
It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/reuters-mercenary-journalism-and-nigerian-military/

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

  • Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

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VP Kashim Shettima: Tinubu, APC leaders must reject divisive tactics ahead of 2027.

Published

3 days ago

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January 20, 2026

By

Vice President Kashim Shettima


VP Kashim Shettima: Tinubu, APC leaders must reject divisive tactics ahead of 2027.

By: Dr. James Bwala

In the intricate landscape of Nigerian politics, few figures have evoked as much scrutiny and discourse as Vice President Kashim Shettima. His role in the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has become a focal point of both support and dissent, leading many to call for his replacement. Those against Shettima often cite no reason to back their claims. These are individuals who lack loyalty as a key benchmark for leadership. They are often individuals who did not stand beside President Tinubu during his arduous journey to the presidency. But they feel they could now take center stage in deciding for Tinubu his next move towards 2027.

They never understood who Kashim Shettima was and who he is now as Vice President of Nigeria. While this perspective warrants a deeper examination, it reveals an underlying current of discord among political factions and, more importantly, misreads the dynamics of governance and loyalty. To understand why calls for Shettima’s replacement could be ultimately misguided, one must first recognize the value of stability and continuity within the ranks of leadership. The relationship between a president and vice president is critical; it must be rooted in trust and mutual understanding. 

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/vp-kashim-shettima-leadership-loyalty-and-when-truth-laughs-last/

Vice President Shettima has consistently demonstrated his commitment to the administration’s vision, even amid challenges. His background as a former governor of Borno State provides him with unique insights into governance, particularly in addressing security issues that plague regions like northeast Nigeria.

Those advocating for his ousting seem to overlook the fact that political maneuvers often serve self-interest rather than the collective aspirations of the citizenry. Many of the names being floated as potential successors were not part of President Tinubu’s inner circle during his campaign. This raises questions: what qualifications do these individuals possess that make them more suited for the vice presidency than Shettima? Is their allegiance more than a matter of convenience? It is alarming to witness individuals who once stood on the sidelines suddenly positioning themselves as viable contenders when the political tide appears favorable.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/vp-kashim-shettima-leadership-loyalty-and-when-truth-laughs-last/

The tactics employed by those pushing for a change reflect a troubling trend of undermining a sitting administration from within. By attempting to sideline Shettima at gatherings and shaping narratives intended to discredit him, these dissenters inadvertently undermine the unity that is pivotal for the All Progressives Congress (APC). Such actions can erode the party’s strength as they sow division and foster an environment of mistrust. These are not the behaviors of loyalists; rather, they are characteristic of opportunists seeking personal aggrandizement at the expense of collective goals.

Critically, we also must consider President Tinubu’s position in all of this. He has shown steadfastness in his leadership style, often prioritizing the long-term vision of his administration over transient political gamesmanship. President Tinubu is unlikely to succumb to pressures from factions seeking to manipulate his choices, especially from among those who have displayed questionable loyalty. His leadership ethos appears to prioritize unity and strategic forward-thinking, suggesting that he values collaboration over division.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/vp-kashim-shettima-leadership-loyalty-and-when-truth-laughs-last/

The current political climate requires deliberate engagement and cooperation among all stakeholders in the APC. President Tinubu’s commitment to governance will not be swayed by the antics of those seeking to destabilize his administration from within. To strengthen the party and fulfill its mandate, it is imperative that leaders focus on fostering an environment of inclusivity and shared purpose rather than resorting to backbiting and discord.

Kashim Shettima’s appointment as vice president should also be viewed through the lens of meritocracy rather than mere political allegiance. He emerged as a candidate uniquely equipped to contribute to national governance, possessing vital experience and a nuanced understanding of the socio-political challenges confronting Nigeria today. His investment in dialogue around security reform and economic recovery strategies underscores his dedication to not just the party but the nation at large.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/vp-kashim-shettima-leadership-loyalty-and-when-truth-laughs-last/

There is an inherent risk in the proposed approach to leadership transitions within the APC. By promoting individuals based on perceived loyalty or personal connections rather than demonstrated competence, the party risks entrenching mediocrity. The nation’s challenges require leaders who can engage robustly with complex issues—leaders like Shettima, who understand the stakes and act decisively in the nation’s best interest.

The calls for Vice President Kashim Shettima’s replacement unveil a deeper societal malaise predicated on factionalism and opportunism rather than a genuine concern for effective governance. The refusal to appreciate the merits of stability, expertise, and continuous support for an experienced vice president diminishes the potential for collaborative success. It is essential for the APC and its leaders, including President Tinubu, to reject such divisive tactics and reaffirm their commitment to a cohesive governance structure. In doing so, they can build a stronger foundation for Nigeria’s future, one that is devoid of petty infighting and focused squarely on the needs of the Nigerian people. The quest for true leadership in Nigeria demands that unity, loyalty, and competence be prioritized over personal ambition and the politics of exclusion.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

VP Kashim Shettima: Tinubu, APC leaders must reject divisive tactics ahead of 2027.

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Zone B Rejects Senator Ahmed Lawan: An Exploratory Analysis of His Political Viability in Yobe State for the 2027 Governorship

Published

1 week ago

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January 14, 2026

By

Senator Ahmed Lawan

Zone B Rejects Senator Ahmed Lawan: An Exploratory Analysis of His Political Viability in Yobe State for the 2027 Governorship

By: Dr. James Bwala

The political landscape of Nigeria is often punctuated by a myriad of personalities and ambitions, one of which is Senator Ahmed Lawan’s aspiration to govern Yobe State in the upcoming 2027 elections. As a seasoned politician and former Senate President, Ahmed Lawan carries with him a wealth of experience; however, the critical question arises: what has he delivered to Potiskum, Damaturu, or Nguru to deserve their votes? This inquiry has stirred considerable debate among Yobe State constituents and reflects the growing sentiment of disenchantment towards established political figures. The reactions from Zone B—homes to these key towns—indicate a complex interplay between political loyalty, public expectations, and the effectiveness of representation. Electorates within this zone say Lawan did nothing for them in all his overextended stay in the red chamber. 

Understanding the current dynamics requires a brief historical overview of Yobe State politics. Established in 1991, Yobe has had its share of political turbulence, especially in the wake of the Boko Haram insurgency, which severely affected the northeastern states, including Yobe. The socio-economic conditions have significantly deteriorated, leading to a populace that demands accountability and tangible development from its leaders. In recent years, voters have become more discerning, expecting political candidates to present concrete achievements and plans rather than relying on party affiliations or past titles.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/bego-shares-bunis-achievements-as-journalists-take-a-tour-in-yobe/

Senator Ahmed Lawan emerged as a prominent national figure through his tenure in the National Assembly, where he served multiple terms representing Yobe North. His role as Senate President awarded him visibility and influence over federal legislative processes. However, despite these privileges, the perception of his contributions to local governance in Potiskum, Damaturu, and Nguru remains contentious. Anecdotal evidence suggests that many constituents feel disconnected from the benefits of Lawan’s political stature, raising questions about the merit of his candidacy for the gubernatorial seat.

The question of what Ahmed Lawan has delivered resonates deeply within the electorate of Zone B. Political realities dictate that voters prioritize tangible benefits over abstract achievements. Reports from various community interactions reveal a growing dissatisfaction with traditional political narratives espoused by long-serving politicians like Lawan. Many constituents voice frustration over unmet promises, ineffective representation, and a perceived lack of initiative to tackle Yobe’s pressing issues, such as youth unemployment, healthcare, education, and infrastructure deficits.

At a time when Nigeria grapples with economic challenges exacerbated by insecurity, citizens are increasingly inclined to support candidates who demonstrate a genuine understanding of local issues and can articulate actionable plans for improvement. Social media platforms and town hall meetings amplify these concerns, showcasing a landscape where previous accolades, such as Lawan’s Senate leadership, do little to sway voters lacking firsthand experience of progress.

A pivotal aspect of this analysis involves scrutinizing Lawan’s recorded achievements and the critiques levied against him, particularly concerning his impact on his constituents. During his tenure, Lawan has championed various bills and initiatives at the national level, allegedly aimed at driving development across the nation. However, these efforts are often viewed through a skeptical lens by residents of Potiskum, Damaturu, and Nguru, who expect direct benefits.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/bego-shares-bunis-achievements-as-journalists-take-a-tour-in-yobe/

For instance, although infrastructural projects may be initiated at the federal level, the tangible impact on local communities varies significantly. Reports indicate that significant resources allocated for developments sometimes yield minimal results, leading to skepticism regarding the efficacy of Lawan’s political maneuvers. Consequently, many residents in Zone B question whether their needs have been prioritized or merely sidelined during his continuous climb up the political ladder.

The legacy of previous governors in Yobe State also casts a long shadow over Lawan’s aspirations. Residents compare the current senator with past leaders who made discernible impacts on healthcare, education, and infrastructure, reinforcing the belief that simply holding a high office does not equate to delivering meaningful results. As discussions about his candidacy unfold, it becomes evident that Ahmed Lawan must articulate a compelling vision that addresses these discontents if he hopes to garner support.

As the 2027 election approaches, Lawan faces significant challenges. Primary among them is the need to rebuild trust and establish a genuine connection with the electorate. Engaging directly with communities, understanding their grievances, and developing localized solutions could become pivotal strategies for his campaign. Senator Ahmed Lawan must navigate the evolving political terrain, where emerging candidates leverage grassroots movements, challenging the status quo and resonating more profoundly with younger voters.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/bego-shares-bunis-achievements-as-journalists-take-a-tour-in-yobe/

The influence of social media cannot be overstated in the current electoral climate. Platforms that facilitate civic engagement serve as double-edged swords; while they can amplify candidate messages, they also serve as venues for criticism and accountability. For Lawan, maintaining a proactive presence online and responding to public sentiment will be essential in shaping his narrative as a viable candidate for the governorship.

The factional divisions within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) present another layer of complexity. While Ahmed Lawan enjoys national recognition, local party dynamics can either bolster or hinder his chances. Securing robust support from influential stakeholders and grassroots party members will be crucial as factions within Yobe’s political landscape begin to coalesce around potential rivals who might promise fresh perspectives and innovative solutions to long-standing challenges.

Senator Ahmed Lawan’s aspiration to govern Yobe State in 2027 is steeped in a multifaceted context that intertwines local expectations, political legacies, and emerging sociopolitical dynamics. The question, “What has Ahmed Lawan ever delivered to Potiskum, Damaturu, or Nguru?” serves as both a critique and a catalyst for deeper reflection on the responsibilities of elected officials. Reflecting on his past contributions and addressing the tangible needs of his constituents will be paramount for Lawan to carve out a path toward electoral success.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/bego-shares-bunis-achievements-as-journalists-take-a-tour-in-yobe/

As Yobe State prepares for the upcoming gubernatorial race, it becomes increasingly clear that political aspirations must be anchored in accountability, empathy, and a commitment to genuine public service. For Senator Ahmed Lawan to resonate with the voters of Zone B, his campaign will require a transformative approach to engage with the community meaningfully and deliver on the hopes and aspirations of the people he seeks to govern. The journey ahead remains fraught with challenges, but as history has demonstrated, political landscapes can shift dramatically when candidates embrace the voices of those they aim to serve.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Zone B Rejects Senator Ahmed Lawan: An Exploratory Analysis of His Political Viability in Yobe State for the 2027 Governorship

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Zulum picks APC’s digital membership card

Published

2 weeks ago

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January 12, 2026

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Zulum picks APC’s digital membership card

By: Our Reporter

Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, on Sunday picked up his membership card for the ongoing All Progressives Congress’ (APC’s) digital registration exercise.

Governor Zulum was presented with his membership card by the Borno State APC chairman, Hon Bello Ayuba, following his registration by the agent of his ward, Aiari unit 003, after the flag off of the exercise at the party’s State secretariat in Maiduguri.

Alongside the governor, his deputy, Umar Usman Kadafur and the APC Deputy national chairman, Ali Bukar Dalori, have been presented with their membership cards.

Speaking shortly after the registration process, Zulum said: “Strengthening internal democracy is a key to stable democracy, and therefore, I call on all members of our party to register via the e-platform. Let us expand our membership. 

“I believe Borno State can register more than 2 million people for the APC. I want all the critical stakeholders to work assiduously to ensure the success of this registration exercise.”

The APC’s digital membership card initiative aims to create a verifiable, centralised database of all party members. This system aims to enhance internal democracy, streamline communication, and facilitate more effective political engagement.

Ayuba commended Governor Zulum’s proactive leadership and mobilisation efforts, thanking him for the relentless support 

The occasion was attended by the Chief Whip of the Senate, Barrister Mohammed Tahir Moguno, Senators Mohammed Ali Ndume and Barrister Kaka Shehu Lawan (SAN).
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Other high-level dignitaries present included the member representing Marte, Monguno, Ngangai constituency at the House of Representatives, Engr Bukar Talba; the Speaker of the Borno State House of Assembly, Abdulkarim Lawan; the Secretary to the Borno State Government, Malam Bukar Tijani; the Acting Chief of Staff, Dr Babagana Mallumbe; commissioners and other government officials.

Zulum picks APC’s digital membership card

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