Feature
Public Institution Should be Run with Integrity, Efficiency and Vision- Justice Umar
Public Institution Should be Run with Integrity, Efficiency and Vision- Justice Umar
By: Michael Mike
Honourable Justice Mainasara Ibrahim Kogo Umar, Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal of Nigeria, embodies discipline, depth, and judicial conviction. A man of impeccable character and tested integrity, he is widely regarded as dependable in moments that demand courage and clarity. With decades of experience in legal practice, public service, and institutional leadership, he stands as one who has truly “been there and done that.”
His record reflects landmark contributions—both individually and collectively—shaping conversations around accountability, constitutional responsibility, and anti-corruption enforcement. Justice Kogo Umar represents a compelling study in legal pragmatism, institutional reform, and principled leadership.
In this interview with a select group of journalists, he speaks candidly about reforming the Tribunal, strengthening anti-corruption mechanisms, and his broader vision for justice and public governance in Nigeria, excerpts:
Question: Good afternoon sir, can we meet you?
My name is Mainasara Ibrahim Kogo Umar. I hail from Katsina State. I come from an aristocratic background, but over the course of my journey in unionism and activism, I became deeply influenced by Marxist ideals.
I have been involved in many spheres of life, particularly activism and legal practice. I have fought against corruption for several decades. Currently, I serve as the Continental President of the African Transparency Front, among other responsibilities.
I was appointed Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal on 13th July 2024, after 23 years of leaving the organisation. I previously served here as a young lawyer and later as Chief Registrar of the Tribunal before pursuing other endeavours.

By God’s infinite mercy, I have returned as Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal. My appointment generated some controversies because the President deemed it necessary to revitalise this very important institution.
The Code of Conduct Tribunal is the only judicial institution specifically mentioned in the Constitution under the Fifth Schedule. It tries public officers on matters relating to breaches of the Code of Conduct, abuse of office, illicit enrichment, ostentatious living beyond legitimate earnings, and issues of ethics and morality.
As Chairman, one must be above board. You are the arbiter who determines the personal and official conduct of public officers.
The Constitution clearly defines who public officers are. They include the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Vice President, ministers, members of the National Assembly, members of the diplomatic corps, service chiefs, judges—including Justices of the Supreme Court and the Chief Justice of Nigeria—members of academia in public institutions, and anyone at the federal, state, or local government level who earns a salary from public funds.
The Tribunal’s mandate is not restricted to asset declaration alone. Even if you declare your assets beyond three months after assuming office, you are already in breach. Subsequently, every four years—whether appointed, elected, or employed—it is mandatory to declare your assets. This serves as a benchmark to determine whether your acquisitions align with your legitimate earnings.
Public officers are not permitted to engage in private business or trade while in office, except farming. If you wish to enter politics, you must resign before contesting.
Upon appointment, the Chairman of the Tribunal can only be removed under three circumstances:
1. Upon attaining the age of 70;
2. By voluntary resignation;
3. For misconduct or breach of the Code of Conduct, in which case both chambers of the National Assembly must invoke their constitutional powers to remove the Chairman.
The Senate, on 20th November 2024, exercised this power and removed the former Chairman on grounds of abuse of office and misconduct. On 26th November 2024, the House of Representatives affirmed the removal with an overwhelming majority.
On 20th February 2025, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation presented my appointment letter, backdated to 20th November 2024. I was subsequently inaugurated by the President and sworn in on 7th October 2025.
What was the state of the Tribunal when you assumed office, and what are the current challenges and your vision?
When I assumed office, the Tribunal was in a very poor state. Staff morale was low, infrastructure was dilapidated, there was no electricity or water supply, and furniture was grossly inadequate.
I immediately restored electricity and water supply, reactivated boreholes, revitalised transformers, and sought technical assistance. Through outreach to international agencies, we secured computers, laptops, photocopiers, and other equipment.
I restructured the institution by expanding it from three departments to thirteen, aligning it with my vision.
One major vision is to transform the Tribunal into the Code of Conduct and Anti-Corruption Court, in line with Section 15(5) of the Constitution, which mandates the State to abolish corrupt practices and abuse of office. A bill to that effect has passed second reading at the National Assembly. If passed, anti-corruption agencies would prosecute relevant cases here.
How does the Tribunal collaborate with agencies like EFCC and ICPC?
Currently, the ICPC prosecutes at State High Courts, while the EFCC prosecutes at the Federal High Court. However, under the proposed reform, cases involving public officers could be prosecuted here.
This Tribunal operates summary jurisdiction. Before assigning hearing dates, I require lawyers to file all written submissions in advance. After reviewing them, hearings focus on adoption and cross-examination, and judgments are delivered promptly. Ideally, no case should last more than six weeks.
The Constitution prescribes specific penalties, including removal from office, disqualification from public office for up to ten years, and forfeiture of ill-gotten assets. These are without prejudice to other criminal penalties under the law.
We have also created departments for international liaison—including collaboration with Interpol and international courts—and enforcement of judgments.
How do you ensure fairness in high-profile cases?
The Tribunal does not initiate cases. The Code of Conduct Bureau investigates and refers cases, while the Attorney General prosecutes. We handle adjudication.
We do not consider status or public pressure—only facts, evidence, and the law. Decisions are reached collectively by a panel of three judges. Public expectation, institutional responsibility, and the demands of the law must be carefully balanced.
How many cases have been referred since your assumption of office?
I inherited thousands of cases, some dating back over two decades. After discussions with the Bureau, we agreed that only cases within a reasonable timeframe—preferably within three years of occurrence—should be referred to ensure effectiveness.
Currently, we handle between two and five cases weekly. The Bureau determines which cases to refer.
What is your vision for the Tribunal in the next five years?
In the next five years, the Tribunal should be placed on first-line charge to guarantee financial independence. We should expand to at least 36 judges, with judicial divisions across the six geopolitical zones and Abuja.
Funding must increase significantly to support infrastructure, security, and institutional growth.
I have served in public service for 36 years and have never taken illegal money. A significant portion of my earnings has gone to charity. My goal is to reposition this institution as a model of public governance and exemplary leadership.
Within five years, once the institution is fully reformed and functioning optimally, I intend to step aside. I do not wish to remain in office until retirement age. My mission is to rebuild, reposition, and leave behind a strong, sustainable institution.
I aim to demonstrate that public institutions can be run with integrity, efficiency, and vision.
Public Institution Should be Run with Integrity, Efficiency and Vision- Justice Umar
Feature
DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE
DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE
By: Barr. Jonathan Abakpa
Democracy remains the hallmark of a people’s aspirations. At its very essence, democracy is about the will of the people, their hopes, their voices, their choices, and their collective vision for society. There may be differences in perspectives, competing ideologies, and divergent opinions on how democracy should function, but beneath these differences lies one enduring truth: democracy is about people.
Today, democracy has become the most widely accepted system of government worldwide because it recognises the dignity and agency of citizens. In Nigeria, this democratic journey has endured for twenty-seven uninterrupted years. This milestone deserves recognition. It reflects resilience, progress, and Nigerians’ determination to continue choosing dialogue over dictatorship, ballots over bullets, and participation over exclusion.
Yet anniversaries are not merely occasions for celebration; they are moments for reflection. They compel us to ask difficult questions about whether democracy is delivering on its promises and whether citizens still believe in the democratic project.
In his Democracy Day address, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu spoke directly to Nigerian youth, urging them to believe in Nigeria and its future. It was a powerful call to optimism. Indeed, no nation can prosper if its young people lose faith in the possibility of change. Young people are not merely beneficiaries of democracy; they are its custodians, innovators, defenders, and future leaders. However, belief cannot be demanded; it must be earned.
Democracy is strongest when citizens trust the process, when they see their voices reflected in governance, and when they feel protected by the institutions created to serve them. Citizens believe in democracy not simply because elections are held, but because they can see evidence that the system works for them.
The President rightly observed that democracy without security is a failed democracy and reassured Nigerians that his administration is working to improve the nation’s security architecture. This recognition is important because security is not separate from democracy; it is one of its foundations. Freedom loses meaning when people live in fear.
Yet, even as these assurances were being made, the nation continues to confront painful realities. Reports of kidnappings, attacks on communities, and the abduction of innocent children remind us that many Nigerians still wake up uncertain of their safety. The image of children stolen from their homes and communities is not merely a security concern; it is a challenge to the very promise of democracy.
How can young people fully believe in the future when the road to school is uncertain?
How can citizens confidently participate in governance when fear dictates their movements?
How can democracy flourish when survival becomes a daily struggle?
There was another moment in the President’s Democracy Day address that deserves reflection. In recognising distinguished Nigerians with national honours, the President rightly celebrated individuals whose contributions have shaped the nation’s democratic journey. Such recognition is important. Nations must remember those who have served and sacrificed for the common good.
Yet democracy grows beyond elections, political offices, and moments of official recognition.
The girl who walks miles to school through uncertainty and insecurity because she refuses to let her future be stolen.
Democracy is also sustained by countless Nigerians whose names may never appear on an honours list, but whose courage keeps the nation alive every day.
They are the heroes of our democracy.
The young woman who refuses to surrender her dreams to discrimination, exclusion, or violence.
The student who studies by candlelight, convinced that education remains a bridge to a better tomorrow.
The young entrepreneur who wakes every morning uncertain of the next fuel price increase, transportation cost, electricity tariff, or economic shock, yet still chooses to create, innovate, and persevere.
The farmer who plants despite fear.
The teacher who inspires despite limitations.
The health worker who serves despite inadequate resources.
The men and women of our armed forces and security agencies who stand between chaos and order often pay the ultimate price in defence of Nigeria’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Many die with little recognition beyond folded flags, grieving families, and silent prayers. They, too, are heroes of our democracy.
And then there is Leah Sharibu.
Her story transcends politics. In the face of terror, captivity, and unimaginable pressure, she remained steadfast in her convictions. Her courage speaks to the very essence of freedom; the right to believe, to worship, and to live according to one’s conscience without fear. Whether one shares her faith or not, her resilience embodies the ideals of a Nigeria where diversity is respected and freedom of belief is protected. She remains a symbol of what a truly free society should represent.
The President also stated that the responsibility of this generation is to sustain democracy and ensure prosperity. That responsibility is indeed ours. But democracy and prosperity cannot be improved by citizens alone. Government, institutions, civil society, and communities must all play their part.
For young Nigerians, sustaining democracy means participating, organizing, voting, advocating, innovating, and holding leaders accountable. For the government, sustaining democracy means ensuring that citizens can live, learn, work, and dream in safety.
For democracy is not merely the absence of military rule.
It is a mother who sleeps knowing her children will return safely from school.
It is a young girl who walks to class without fear.
It is a farmer who tills his land without the sound of gunfire in the distance.
It is a student whose ambition is greater than his anxiety.
It is a nation where hope travels farther than fear.
It is where the ballot carries more power than the bullet.
It is where disagreement does not become violence.
It is where diversity is not feared but celebrated.
It is where every citizen, regardless of faith, ethnicity, gender, or status, can live freely and with dignity.
It is where the dreams of young people are not interrupted by violence.
As Nigeria marks twenty-seven years of uninterrupted democracy, we must celebrate how far we have come. But we must also confront how far we still need to go. The true test of our democracy will not be measured only by the number of years it survives, but by the number of lives it secures, opportunities it creates, freedoms it protects, and dreams it preserves.
If young people are to believe in Nigeria, then Nigeria must become a country where believing is rewarded by evidence, not merely encouraged by words.
The task before this generation is not simply to sustain democracy. It is to deepen it, strengthen it, and make it meaningful for every citizen. And that journey begins with ensuring that every Nigerian can move freely, speak freely, worship freely, dream boldly, and live safely.
Only then can democracy truly fulfil its promise.
Barr. Jonathan Abakpa
Human Rights Lawyer
DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE
Feature
My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry
My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry
By: Bodunrin Kayode
Most residents in Nigeria are so used to the old ways of doing things that they think that mere agitation for the release of one set of captive will be the end of this lingering sing-song that has been let loose in the land by theses scare cat criminals called bandits. Release our students has become a mere social album released intermittently because even the political leaders are busy trying to solve this damnation from the head instead of from the root. The interagency corporation in terms of intelligence sharing has equally become so weak that the policy itself has deteriorated to a mere chorus either in a staccato or crescendo format to suit the ears of foreign watchers like the Americans who seem to care. We also know that the disparity between the vocal range of the department of State Service (DSS) and the military is so wide that it will take the grace of God for them to continue to sing in harmony as was preached by General Chris Musa before he was dropped as Chief of Defense staff. Until they all find their bearings harmoniously, these criminals extorting Nigerians in the savannah will continue to have their say with impunity. Abductions and kidnappings will surely linger for a long time until this government swallows its pride and requests for massive help from willing friends or mercinaries to take out these criminals in the bush once and for all.
Very few State actors within the general security network bother about taking these criminals out of their hide outs as long as their loved ones have been freed from their grips. These urchins can continue to stay in the savannah and now some parts of the rain forests in the South West of the country carrying out their criminality on vulnerable people to make them cry. Some of the residents they have humiliated include political, military and traditional rulers and they don’t care a hoot about our common humanity. Yet the Federal government in the last eleven years continue to treat their known sponsors like sacred cows who should not be touched.
For some of these reasons, I don’t believe that the release of captives this weekend will ever stop another set of residents from being captured in two weeks time. This is because these criminals will always get more vulnerable people to monitor especially in our largely unmanned forest terrain and pick them up like hawks clutching their preys in their claws. Poor residents, desperate to free their loved ones empower these criminals with “anything they want” under the sun besides humongous amounts of cash making them richer by the days.
It’s a very sad reality that any layman can see the lacuna in our communities for easy capture of our people because of the way our security architecture is designed. Off course the bottom line of all this hide and seek game is the demand for more money because the whole phenomenon has become an industry for the criminals who keep prospering while fighting for a “known cause” against the rest of us. From Boko Haram to Lakurawa, Biafran and even Islamic State of West African Province (iswap) fighters, they all have fixated known causes not hidden to keen observers in the country.
How to stop these criminals from prospering
Security managers have to stop doing things the same way they are used to doing them after the civil war and move to the next known level of sophistry. The key intelligence people must move from manual to the highest form of digital sophistication and collaborate with the big players in the world to get results. The military intelligence and the cyber tech squad must increase their romance.
By this I also mean that, trainers in the Nigerian Defense Academyy (NDA) for instance should go beyond the conventional ways they are used to doing things and incorporate asymmetric formations into their curriculum the way institutions like West Point and Sandhurst have done even before the commencement of the rebellion against organized governments by extremists in many parts of the world. The earlier the better for our security network which is heavily appropriated in trillions of naira yet grossly underfunded each fiscal year. This gives rise to the inability of defense managers most times to being unable to buy the basic and advanced Intel equipment for utilization to fight back. Even when the British and American troops on ground have been enabling our personnel with some of these rare equipment within the last decade, the effect in terms of optics is minimal compared to a situation where our men will own and operate theirs. For us residents who live and work in the “Hadin Kai” theatre, we know that the British have been doing their best with theses Intel supports but it has never been enough to cover even 10 percent of the vast forests which stretches up to the Tumbus islands of the lake Chad or way beyond the Mandara mountains down to the central African region. Most commanders in the Frontline have operated under a trial and error basis when it comes to descerning critical Intel. But thank God, the collaboration with the Americans have started yielding tangible fruits beyond some reasonable doubts.
Key intelligence agencies have to start acting in real time to save more lives if they are supported with these expensive equipment to respond to assist the ten agencies now dishing out intels. This is because responding in real time is key to stop these criminals from their lingering operations in the country. Consequently, it is only the right intelligence that can take out the estimated 30,000 criminals the Americans alerted the nation about and not necessarily brute force known to the military.
Our dedicated operatives also have to stop clamoring for half bread by ensuring that our political servants in government and service Chiefs go after and take out all 30,000 of the criminals as has been revealed by those who have the right equipment to see the bandits as they roam about our bushes with impunity. Mark my words if the security operatives do not move to the next level in terms of Intel sharing and management, many more will have to be abducted. Hundreds more will suffer in the process and die before the next June 12 democracy day. And please don’t ever ask me why. Nigeria has a lot of fixing to do in the security sector for residents to sleep with both eyes closed.
Bodunrin Kayode wrote in from Maiduguri.
My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry
Feature
Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest
Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest
By: Michael Mike
Nairobi Summit may have signalled the beginning of a more equal Africa-Europe relationship. The real test is whether investment finally replaces dependency.
By Senator Iroegbu
Something shifted in Nairobi last week. It was not the numbers, though the numbers were striking. It was not the speeches, though some were worth hearing. What shifted was the room’s geography — and the logic behind the conversation. For the first time, France and an African country co-chaired an Africa-France summit on African soil, with President Macron and President Ruto standing side by side as equals, not host and supplicant.
For decades, Africa’s engagements with major global powers have followed an almost predictable script. African leaders are invited to Paris, Washington, Beijing, Moscow, Brussels, or New Delhi. Red carpets are rolled out. Grand declarations about “strategic partnership” are made. Communiqués are signed. Photographs are taken. Then everyone flies home, while very little changes for ordinary Africans.
The imbalance was often visible even in the choreography of these summits. Africa appeared less like an equal negotiating bloc and more like a guest invited to seek assistance, security guarantees, investment, or development aid.
The Africa Forward Summit, held in Nairobi on May 11 and 12, broke that script in key important ways. Nairobi appeared different in tone, structure, and ambition. For once, the summit was held on African soil, not in Europe. For once, the conversation shifted from aid to investment, from dependency to co-production, and from diplomatic rhetoric to commercial engagement. That distinction matters greatly, inspiring confidence in the possibility of meaningful progress.
Over two days, €24 billion in commitments were announced: €15 billion from French sources and €9 billion from African investors, with a focus on real projects that can inspire trust and motivate further action. According to figures announced at the summit, investment and financing commitments were unveiled across sectors, including energy transition, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, agriculture, healthcare, maritime development, industrialisation, sports, and logistics.
More importantly, the summit focused less on political symbolism and more on practical business partnerships. French and European companies openly discussed co-investing and co-producing with African firms inside Africa itself. Still, the true measure of success will depend on the accountability and follow-through of these commitments.
If implemented seriously, that could become the summit’s most consequential outcome.
Africa does not lack resources. Africa does not lack markets. Africa does not lack entrepreneurial energy or youthful talent. What the continent has historically lacked is equitable access to capital, technology transfer, industrial partnerships, and financing systems that support value addition and manufacturing. The summit’s emphasis on co-production rather than extraction is therefore significant.
Again, it is worth noting that Africa’s resource wealth and youthful ambition are evident. Still, the true test of the summit’s success lies in measurable outcomes-such as increased local industrial capacity, technology transfer, and fair financing structures-that can demonstrate real progress and build trust in future initiatives.
Nigeria has already emerged with one practical example. French hospitality giant Accor and Shoreline Group signed a Letter of Intent to develop Nigeria’s first national hotel platform, with a planned $300 million investment targeting 10 hotels across eight Nigerian cities by 2030. The initiative will also establish a hospitality training academy to support skills development and job creation. That is the kind of partnership Africa should encourage: investment tied to infrastructure, skills transfer, employment, and long-term economic activity rather than mere extraction of profit.
The summit also launched the Africa-France Impact Coalition, a business platform bringing together major African and French companies with combined operations worth over €100 billion and employing hundreds of thousands across the continent. Discussions covered artificial intelligence, renewable energy, healthcare manufacturing, agriculture, digital connectivity, and infrastructure.
If this approach survives beyond speeches and summit declarations, it is crucial to establish clear monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to ensure commitments lead to real change. This could signal the beginning of something Africa urgently needs: a genuine scramble for African industrial development rather than another scramble for African raw materials. Still, Africans should approach this new enthusiasm with cautious optimism rather than emotional excitement. While history advises caution, the progress made in Nairobi offers a foundation for genuine change, encouraging a hopeful outlook for Africa’s future.
France carries a uniquely complicated relationship with Africa, especially in Francophone West and Central Africa. The issue is no longer colonialism in its formal sense — that chapter is closed. The deeper issue is that the post-colonial relationship never fully evolved into genuine equality. Some African governments outsourced large parts of their security architecture and strategic decision-making to Paris. Paris, in turn, became deeply embedded politically and militarily in several former colonies. Both sides participated in that arrangement and paid a price for it.
Mali illustrates the contradiction vividly. In 2013, when jihadist forces threatened Bamako, France intervened militarily and was initially celebrated as a saviour. A decade later, those same French forces became the primary targets of nationalist fury, accused by military juntas of exploitation and neo-colonial manipulation. Wagner arrived. The French departed. It was a melodrama, and like most melodramas, it contained real grievances buried beneath the theatre.
The lesson is not that France is good or bad. The lesson is that framing any external partner in those terms is a strategic error. External powers-whether the US or China, East or West, EU, France or Russia-are neither saviours nor permanent enemies. They are here to advance their strategic interests. Africa’s responsibility is therefore not emotional attachment or ideological hostility — it is strategic negotiation, empowering Africa to shape the terms of its own development.
To this end, Africa can no longer afford military protectorates disguised as partnerships. Neither can it afford exploitative mercenary arrangements or forms of economic engagement that quietly transfer strategic infrastructure, ports, airports, logistics corridors, and mineral assets into foreign control without strengthening domestic productive capacity. The continent needs partnerships rooted in mutual benefit, commercial realism, and respect for sovereignty.
Accordingly, this is why France’s apparent recalibration matters. France’s evolving role as a gateway to facilitating mutually beneficial partnerships can empower Africa, emphasising that this is a strategic opportunity rather than charity. If Paris is genuinely shifting away from paternalistic diplomacy toward facilitating business partnerships, industrial co-investment, and private-sector collaboration, that is potentially good news not only for Africa and France but for Europe more broadly. Europe needs markets, growth opportunities, energy partnerships, and supply chain diversification.
Africa needs investment, industrialisation, infrastructure, technology, and jobs. The interests are complementary.
But Africans have heard promises before. This is why the true judgment of the Africa Forward Summit will not be made through speeches, declarations, or summit communiqués. It will be made through implementations and answering these questions. Will the announced projects materialise? Will African firms genuinely become co-producers rather than junior subcontractors? Will financing become fairer and more accessible? Will technology actually transfer? Will industrial jobs be created on African soil? Will Africa’s AI, healthcare, logistics, agriculture, and manufacturing sectors truly advance? Like Saint Thomas, Africans should believe not merely what they hear, but what they eventually see.
Still, Nairobi may have offered an important glimpse into what a healthier Africa-Europe relationship could look like: less aid dependency, less geopolitical theatre, less paternalism, and far more equal partnership, investment, production, and shared prosperity. If that shift proves genuine, then the Africa Forward Summit may eventually be remembered not as another diplomatic gathering, but as the moment Africa stopped showing up as a guest and started negotiating as an equal partner.
We will be watching. The continent will be watching whether, five years from now, there are factories, hotels, data centres, and solar plants on African soil, built with African hands, owned in African names. That is the only summit result that matters.
Iroegbu is a journalist and a geopolitics, security, and public affairs analyst.
Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest
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