Columns
NAUB: Prayers of our enemies shall not come to pass.
NAUB: Prayers of our enemies shall not come to pass.
By: Dr. James BWALA
When the bill for the establishment of the Nigerian Army University Biu was taken to the National Assembly, VP Kashim Shettima, then as Senator representing Borno Central in the red chamber, added his voice in support of the establishment. He was among the top voices who spoke to make the university come to light by giving the university the legal instrument that established it. The VP, then governor of Borno State, is the one who speedily granted the approval of the site and delivered the C of O of the site when General Buratai came up with the idea of the university.
Certainly those who came up with the idea to merge the Army University Biu with the Nigerian Defense Academy did not consult widely before reaching the decision, and we are hopeful that the prayers of these enemies of Borno State, the northeast, and Nigeria will not come to pass. We are also confident and firmly believe in our unity and loyalty to our leaders that they will see the reasons for the existence of this great institution that has continued to give direction to our mass of youths who seek education through the university.
The President and his Vice President are men of integrity who love education, especially for the children of the masses. They are aware of the benefits these children of Nigeria are getting through the army university, blending character and learning in the most civil and regimented system. As our governor pleaded alongside many other Borno indigenes of note, we are praying for the president to give a listening ear to those pleas for the future of the children of Borno State, the northeast, and Nigeria.
READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/borno-residents-raised-concern-over-plans-to-return-idps-after-iswap-attacked-governor-zulum-convoy-in-malam-fatori/
Those who are bent on the idea that the university must be merged are like those who did not want it to be established in Borno and in Biu in the first place. But they never care to learn why the Army University of Biu was established in the first place. The understanding of some Nigerians perhaps prior to the establishment of the Nigerian Army University Biu was either lopsided in their regional beliefs or in their political thinking or born out of outward envy to attempt to deny the people of northeast Nigeria the opportunity to have such an outstanding university that brought glory to the region and Nigeria as a whole. Today, not only the children of the northeast are the beneficiaries of the Nigerian Army University Biu, but largely students from the southwest and southeast, south-south, northwest, and north-central parts of the country.
I recalled having a chat with some of the staff of NAUB, sometimes in late 2022, where the discussion led to how the funding of the university was almost becoming an issue under the former COAS, the late General Ibrahim Attahiru. It was at that time that I also learned of certain plans by some forces working against NAUB for their political and regional interests, and I was not surprised when certain questions about the merger issues came up in the Steve Oronsaye report. The sighting of NAUB has been fought against, but Biu struggles. Thanks to the support given by sons and daughters of the northeast, who stood to defend the establishment of the army university in Biu,.
While the cracks were on about the Steve Oronsaye report, I went back to the argument on the floor of the National Assembly to revisit earlier arguments about the establishment of the Army University Biu. I took the case of Hon. Uzoma Nkem-Abont and Hon. Kingsley Chinda, both of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP. They kicked against the establishment of the university, seeing the institution as a ground for military training, with the NDA in focus throughout their argument on the floor of the green chambers. Comparing their argument with the explanations put forth as to why the Army University Biu was established, I realized that the two Hon. Members were not armed with the right information as to why the Army wanted such a university in place, in parallel to the NDA, which is a purely military institution for regimental purposes.
When the President’s Special Adviser on Policy Coordination, Hadiza Bala-Usman, announced the agencies to be merged to include the merger of the Army University Biu and the Nigerian Defence Academy, there was a lot of roar from the northeast part of the country, with thousands of people who are directly or indirectly beneficiaries of this establishment pouring out their reservations on the adoption of the Steve Oronsaye report by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, particularly with the mention of the Army University Biu being one of the universities in the country that does not go on strike.
Some people who commented have this to say: We can’t afford to lose the NAUB; the effort and energy our leaders put into establishing it can never go in vain, Insha’Allah. Blame the defense ministers from the north-west; they’ve always been against NAUB. The greatest undoing of a democratic government is to clamp down, merge, or relegate a vibrant, important, and exceptionally good tertiary institution that is located in a disadvantageous state or state that needs education, a state that was ravaged by Boko Haram,… What happens to Admiralty University? Is it not a military university? Or is it a private holding of the Nigerian Navy devoid of FG funding? Why has it not been merged with the NDA? Any explanation to defy this? Answers to these would clarify premature assumptions on the need or otherwise for the merger. On a literal perspective, NDA, NAUB, and AFIT are funded by FG. Why NAUB? These are the questions trending.
But the Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Taoreed Lagbaja, had last year, while speaking during the graduation of some 500 students, given an explanation of why the Army University Biu was established. He explained that the Nigerian Army University in Biu, Borno State, was established as a means to explore a non-kinetic approach to service operations against insurgency. He also said the institution was established to achieve social inclusion, gender balance, and expand diversity through education. The COAS, who is also the Pro-Chancellor of the institution, disclosed that by establishing the Nigerian Army University in Biu, the Army adopted the strategic option of exploring a non-kinetic approach to its counter-insurgency operations in Nigeria.
According to him, the Army sought to achieve social inclusion and gender balance and expand diversity through education, adding that the emergence and growth of the institution in the heart of the North East was a testament to the successes the Nigerian military has collectively achieved in its counter-insurgency efforts. I hope that the COAS, at this time of debate, will add his voice to the plea by Governor Babagana Umara Zulum and the highly respected leaders of Borno to press on the president to see the reasons in this matter and to know the hands of Jacob from those of Esau.
* James BWALA, PhD, writes from Abuja.
NAUB: Prayers of our enemies shall not come to pass.
Columns
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
By: Balami Lazarus
For some time NEWSng has been waving aside the idea of writing on these popular patriotic individuals who are public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers that have taken upon themselves to contribute their quota consistently on radio by holding elected leaders accountable and demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence on the Plateau and in Nigeria at large.
It is interesting to know if a media known for featuring and reporting positive developments should allow such important contributions to our democracy with clear objectives for good governance to go down the drain.
Therefore, these men are like the old English musketeers famous for their bravery and professional acts of protection of kings in medieval Europe. These respected individuals are for the public interest, advocating for good governance at all levels through their voices.
They are public mouthpieces, spokesmen for and on behalf of the public who are always calling the attention of elected leaders to challenges faced by the citizens who voted them into power in the political democracy on the Plateau through some radio programs.
The contributions of these patriotic citizens for holding our leaders accountable for good governance in order to make Nigeria better serve as the lighthouses of our democratic growth and development.
If you were to listen to them, you would agree that they are passionate about good governance/dividends of democracy and peace on the Plateau and in Nigeria. They are not critics; they don’t attack, but their actions and opinions/views are raw and painful but are the truth that cannot be denied because they are necessary for the government and other leaders who need to consider them and begin to act to bring developments for the citizens.
NEWSng decided to limit this work to only five in spite of numerous contributors to the radio programs. Musa Kalu, Ada Onugu, Comrade Dadong Antibas, Hon. Omenaka Jude Sat, and Sadiq Umar, whose voices are the true representations of the grassroots. Their voices are cries of the Nigerian masses for dividends of democracy. Ultimately they are holding democratically elected leaders accountable in the present democratic dispensation.
Speaking to them individually on why they are passionate about holding elected leaders accountable. However, they spoke from different angles of developments. Ironically, they are all on the same page demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence among the Nigerian citizens.
Musa Kalu is always on the path of peaceful coexistence without any sentiments. ‘As a Nigerian, I am for peaceful coexistence, progress, and development. Nigeria belongs to all of us in respect of religion, ethnicity, and geographical location. Hon. Jude Sat said that as a public mouthpiece, they will not close their eyes where the government is not doing the needful. ‘I will continue to speak for a better Plateau and Nigeria and for the future generations.’
These individuals are refined politicians in their own right with a strong political hold on their wards/communities. Reliable sources have it that Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang received bulk votes in Jenta/Apata wards, among other wards in Jos, because of the handiworks of some of the public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers.
On security bedeviling the state and the country at large, they unanimously said that unless and until the government takes decisive actions on the security challenges, there will be no good governance.
Dadong Antibas said, ‘We will continue to speak and hold our leaders accountable at all times. I have received threats, but that has not stopped my voice…. I have been speaking on state and national issues for years.
Furthermore, Sadiq Umar said that citizens of the state have come to confide in them to speak and call the attention of the government and other elected leaders to their plights. Holding our leaders responsible and accountable…is my responsibility, including you.
Attempts to meet and speak with Ada Onugu failed. However, investigations revealed that their voices are meant to check the activities of government and elected leaders on the Plateau. Their hold on their wards/communities as public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers is laudable. Thus, elected leaders and aspiring politicians on the Plateau are beginning to align and key into their popularity at the grassroots.
They all acknowledged the wonderful works of Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang for his efforts in providing dividends of democracy through good governance.
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
Columns
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
By Oumarou Sanou
Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.
Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.
Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”
How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.
Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?
Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.
Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.
Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.
When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.
Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”
This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.
Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.
Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.
And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.
In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.
But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.
Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.
Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.
Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Columns
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
By: Balami Lazarus
I have been for youths’ growth and progress in either trades, vocations, professions, or any other legitimate endeavors that will self-empower them or be contributions to their communities later in life.
Before this write-up, I made several attempts to meet and speak with one of the young politicians on the Plateau, but all my efforts failed. Therefore, I decided to put down what I knew personally about the aforementioned political personality and equally what I was able to gather from investigations about this young politician in question who belongs to the youth gallery of politicians on the Plateau.
These young politicians are educated, energetic, focused, and professionals in their chosen careers. They are full of ideas of good governance, excellent blueprints, and roadmaps to future human and capital developments for progress in the realms of our political democracy with clarity of purpose and objectives that reflects our country’s motto, ‘unity and faith, peace and progress.’
The 1999 phase of our political democracy has ushered in mass numbers of youths into the political space, where they are actively participating in meaningful politicking, aspiring for elective positions under a political party of their choice, but with the passage of time, 25 years down the democratic line, we have seen and experienced the contributions of these young, able politicians with a quantum leap in political activities and contributions. Today you find them some elective positions, some with political appointments at both state and federal levels. Unlike in past years, where it was uncommon to find youths as young politicians occupying elective positions, talk less of political appointments. Rather, they are used as political thugs and later dumped when elections are over.
But here on the Plateau, this new dawn has provided the youths who are purposeful the chance and space to participate and vie for political offices, having fulfilled all necessary requirements. I hereby in this work correctly, sincerely, and truthfully declare and attest as to it as a political affidavit that you can find them in many political elective offices and appointments as council chairmen, secretaries, members of assembly aides, and councillors, to mention but a few.
Moreover, my political findings have clearly revealed that Plateau State is a common ground for youth in politics. And more importantly, it has been a healthy launching pad where many more shall reach higher elective positions.
Hon. (Pharm) Samuel Ishaya Gyang is one among such young politicians on the Plateau that has willingly decided to offer himself to serve his people through politics. Investigations have shown that Samuel Gyang is well accepted by the larger members of his community/constituency—Jos Northwest. And to a larger extent, Pharmacist Gyang has gone beyond the Jos North Local Government Area, where he served as secretary with good political records of performance. ‘We have felt him in the distributions of fertilizers in the local government.’
Political rumors going around said that Hon. Samuel Ishaya Gyang is likely to contest once again for the House of Assembly, Jos Northwestconstituency.
Well, there is nothing bad in that. The political spreadsheet is wide and large enough to contain aspirants. Samuel Gyang, keep up the good work and aspire for other high political offices.
Balami, a publisher/columnist. 08036779290
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
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