News
Ndume’s alarmist posture clashes with battlefield realities
Ndume’s alarmist posture clashes with battlefield realities
… raises deeper questions on leadership accountability
By Chidi Omeje
The latest warning by former Senate Leader, Ali Ndume that Nigeria risks losing parts of Borno and the North-East to insurgents has triggered not just concern, but also criticism over what is describe as a recurring pattern of “selective outrage” disconnected from both battlefield realities and long-term governance responsibilities.
Ndume, speaking with Journalist in Maiduguri on Tuesday painted a grim picture of troops allegedly overwhelmed in Ngoshe and Pulka. But within the same operational theatre, a dramatically different reality was unfolding.
Drawing from multiple field assessments, including those documented by both mainstream and international Media, have reports sustained targeting of insurgent leadership structures is now yielding measurable operational gains.
Among the most notable breakthroughs is the neutralisation of Modu Kundiri, a top ISWAP commander and Qa’id of the Pulka axis in Gwoza LGA. Kundiri, who controlled a critical corridor linking Sambisa Forest and the Mandara mountains, was eliminated during a military operation along the Madagali–Gwoza axis, an area long regarded as a strategic insurgent supply and mobility route.
His death has reportedly triggered leadership instability within ISWAP ranks, with intelligence sources indicating confusion over succession and operational control. The Air Component of Operation Hadin Kai was also not left out, it has intensified its dominance of the battlespace in North-East theartre, executing a series of precision airstrikes that have significantly degraded the operational capacity of both Islamic State West Africa Province and Boko Haram across Borno State.
Recent intelligence-driven missions monitored indicates a clear shift toward high-impact aerial interdiction, leadership decapitation, and destruction of insurgent logistics hubs, reinforcing the growing synergy between air and ground forces.
In a separate high-value mission in the Yuwe axis of Sambisa, precision airstrikes eliminated multiple senior ISWAP commanders, including Saddam and Saleh Garin Kago. Additional fighters, Hussaini Ubaida and Ba Alayi Benbem, were also neutralised, while command structures and logistics warehouses were destroyed.
In the Ngoshe–Pulka corridor, the Air Component demonstrated rapid responsiveness, killing 50 terrorists after an initial attack on the town. In a separate operation, troops neutralised Malam Bako Gorgore (Abou Mustapha), a senior Shura Council member of ISWAP, who led fighter to the operation that led to the killing of Abubakar Shekau, during an encounter in Kukawa LG
Further compounding ISWAP’s losses, internal discord has also claimed lives within its hierarchy both in the Lake Chad and Sambisa forest. Also recently, a senior commander, Abu Kasim, was reportedly killed by an improvised explosive device planted by his own faction amid clashes with rival elements, highlighting deepening fractures within the group.
Another figure, Abu Nazir, was also reportedly eliminated during internal purges, reflecting a growing pattern of distrust and fragmentation within insurgent ranks.
Beyond targeted eliminations, Nigerian troops have inflicted heavy battlefield casualties on insurgent formations. In one of the most decisive engagements in recent months, troops of Operation Hadin Kai repelled a major assault on a military base in Malam Fatori, Abadam LGA, killing at least 80 fighters, including senior commanders.
The attackers, drawn from ISWAP reportedly deployed armed drones in a coordinated pre-dawn offensive, an indication of evolving insurgent tactics. However, the response from Nigerian forces combining ground fire with precision air strikes resulted in massive insurgent casualties, recovery of weapons, explosives, and drone components and disruption of withdrawal routes.
Though, these victory, the not come without challenges, the Nigerian troops had recorded some challenges including attacks on Konduga, Banki and Kukawa were three Commanding Officers and several soldiers paid the supreme price while defending their areas of deployment.
For many reporters of insurgency, the contrast is striking. It is almost as if there are two parallel narratives. “One of a collapsing military as purported by a supposedly informed lawmaker and another of a force steadily degrading insurgents in different operations.
But it is not surprising, dume’s interventions often follow a familiar script: spotlight failure, amplify fear, and conveniently sidestep any acknowledgement of military resilience or progress. Indeed, while it is politically convenient to sound the alarm, it is far less fashionable to recognise that troops often under extreme conditions continue to hold ground, repel attacks, and currently taking the fight deep into insurgent enclaves in Sambisa forest and Timbuktu Triangle.
If pessimism were a security strategy, perhaps the war would have been won by now. But beyond the immediate security debate lies a more uncomfortable conversation, one that touches on representation, development, and legacy.
The Gwoza axis—Pulka, Kirawa, Ashigashiya, Warabe and surrounding communities has for years struggled with basic infrastructure deficits: limited access to potable water, electricity, healthcare, and economic opportunities. These are not new problems. They predate the insurgency and, in many respects, helped create the fertile ground exploited by extremist recruiters among the teeming youths.
The road network was either very dilapidated or completely washed off, allowing the terrorists to plant IEDs, targeting troops and commuters.
This raises a blunt question: after decades of political representation, how much structural changes or development has truly occurred in these communities?
It is ok to blame the military for everything including the root causes of the insurgency to hide our failure of leadership. Yes. It is easier to criticise soldiers in the field than to explain years of underdevelopment back home.
To call for better equipping for the military are legitimate and widely supported. Nigerian troops deserve the best possible tools to prosecute a complex and evolving war.
However, caution should be observed against performative criticism statements that only generate headlines but do little to constructively engage with the realities of counter-insurgency operations.There is a thin line between advocacy and political tantrum. Crossing that line repeatedly erodes credibility.
There was already a parallel conversation gaining traction, one that shifts attention from the battlefield to the balance sheet.
There have been concerns surrounding a Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)-linked road project executed by Sen. Ali Ndume in Maiduguri, reportedly valued at about ₦1.4 billion, and claims in public discourse suggesting that the project may have been executed at a fraction of that cost.
These claims have ignited call for formal investigation, by the EFCC and ICPC because they have nonetheless triggered a wave of questions that are becoming increasingly difficult to ignore.
According to discussions in political and civic circles, the project allegedly awarded at ₦1.4 billion the federal government may have been subcontracted or executed at approximately ₦300 million by Ali Ndume and his Senator friend. And the Subcontractors also took N150 million and executed the project at N150 million.
If accurate, such a gap raises obvious and uncomfortable questions.
“Even without jumping to conclusions, the arithmetic itself demands explanation. Where there is such a wide disparity, transparency is not optional, it is necessary.” Beyond the figures lies a deeper concern: value for money. When large-scale public projects are executed at significantly reduced costs without clear justification, the likely outcome is compromised quality.
In practical terms, that could mean roads that deteriorate quickly, fail under minimal stress, or never fully meet their intended purpose. A substandard road in a fragile zone is not just bad engineering, It is a setback to recovery, security, and economic survival.”
What has drawn particular attention is the contrast between Ndume’s strong criticism of government performance especially on military resourcing and the absence of equally strong public clarity regarding projects linked to his constituency.
Critics argue that accountability cannot be selective. “It is difficult to sustain a position of constant oversight when questions about one’s own projects remain unanswered.”
For Ali Ndume, challenge is no longer just about raising concerns. It is about responding to them.
Because in the end, leadership is measured not only by the ability to question others, but by the willingness to provide clear answers when the spotlight turns inward.
Ndume’s alarmist posture clashes with battlefield realities
News
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
By: Inuwa Bwala.
“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.
Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”
Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.
There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.
He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.
Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.
Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.
Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.
I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.
Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.
Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.
As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.
To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.
He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.
Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.
Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
News
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
By Zagazola Makama
A wave of alarming reports circulating across social media and some online platforms has claimed that Boko Haram insurgents attacked a school and abducted students in Kautikari community of Chibok Local Government Area, Borno State.
The claims, predictably amplified by emotionally charged references to the 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction, have generated anxiety among Nigerians following developments in the troubled region.
However, a detailed fact-check by Zagazola Makama, based on assessment from field sources, and video evidence from the scene, has found the claims to be entirely FALSE.
According to sources, the incident occurred at about 7:30 p.m. on June 13 when ISWAP terrorists launched an attack on a hunters’ patrol base located within the premises of a disused primary school in Kautikari.
The facility being used by the hunters was not functioning as a school at the time of the attack, nor were students present at the location. Rather, local hunters had established a patrol outpost within the structure, using some of the classrooms as temporary accommodation and operational shelters while supporting troops of Operation HADIN KAI’s efforts in the area.
The terrorists specifically targeted the hunters’ base and not a school populated by students as widely claimed. Initial resistance by the hunters successfully repelled the first assault.
However, the terrorists later regrouped in larger numbers and launched a second attack, forcing the hunters to temporarily withdraw after running low on ammunition.
Military sources disclosed that reinforcement teams comprising troops of the 117 Task Force Battalion from Kwada, supported by a Quick Response Force, local hunters and vigilante personnel, rapidly mobilized to the scene and engaged the terrorists. The coordinated response eventually overwhelmed the attackers and forced them to retreat.
No Student Was Abducted
Contrary to viral claims, there is no evidence that any student was abducted during the attack. Operational reports from the scene recorded no missing students, no reports of schoolchildren being taken away, and no indication that the terrorists targeted an educational institution in session.
Security sources confirmed that accountability checks conducted after the attack found no cases of student abduction.
In fact, the only confirmed casualties were one civilian who was reportedly struck by a stray bullet fired by the terrorists and one member of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) who sustained a gunshot wound to the arm.
Sources said also that the terrorists set fire to clothing and personal belongings belonging to the hunters stationed at the outpost. No troops were killed or injured during the engagement.
Further undermining the false reports is video footage obtained by Zagazola Makama from the aftermath of the attack. In the footage, one of the affected hunters is seen showing the damaged facility and burnt belongings while lamenting the destruction caused by the terrorists.
The hunter can be heard explaining that the location served as their place of accommodation and operational base.
“This is where we sleep,” he says while pointing to the affected section of the building.
The footage clearly supports military accounts that the target was a hunters’ outpost and not an occupied school hosting students.
The confusion likely arose because the hunters’ base was situated within the premises of a primary school building.
Photographs and videos showing damaged classrooms were subsequently circulated online without context, leading some platforms to incorrectly conclude that a school had been attacked and students abducted.
The result was the rapid spread of misinformation that failed basic verification standards.
Given Chibok’s painful history, any report involving schools and abductions naturally attracts national and international attention. This makes accurate reporting even more important.
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
News
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
By: Zagazola Makama
The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.
The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.
Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.
The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.
The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.
It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.
The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.
The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
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