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NNPCL-Dangote Refineries rift: HOMEF Demands Transparency, Investigation of Claims on Import of Toxic Fuels

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NNPCL-Dangote Refineries rift: HOMEF Demands Transparency, Investigation of Claims on Import of Toxic Fuels

By: Michael Mike

Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) has demanded transparency and an investigation into allegations of importing and foisting ‘dirty’ fuels on Nigerians.

HOMEF, in a statement on Wednesday, advocated this in reaction to the feud between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) and Dangote Refineries, noting that the NNPCL’s inability to refine petroleum products has been an enormous shame and embarrassment to the nation.

The statement said over the decades, NNPCL’s poor performance has forced Nigeria into the vice grip of forces of exploitation of colonial proportions, making her the largest exporter of crude oil and, at the same time, the largest importer of refined products of dubious quality.

Executive Director, HOMEF, Nnimmo Bassey, in the statement, noted that the company has epitomised one of the worst that can be imagined of any raw material exporter post- colonial state anywhere in the world.

He explained that while HOMEF acknowledges the high ecological costs of the entire petroleum industry value chain, it regrets that the failure of the comatose NNPC refineries is a critical factor that has allowed toxic bush refineries to proliferate to fill the yawning gaps.

Bassey said: “The importation of refined petroleum products has equally foisted heavy economic pressures on the hapless citizens of Nigeria. The arrival of the Dangote Refinery has its own huge ecological baggage, especially regarding the plight of neighboring communities and the general environment. Besides, there are bigger issues related to the creation and operation of what has come to be known as economic zones of exemption.

“HOMEF is alarmed by the cloudy controversies around the Dangote Refinery. The role of the NNPC in the unfolding disputes highlights the opacity of the sector and the inbuilt boobytraps in the regulatory frameworks under which the sector operates. Nigeria entered the oil refining business shortly after independence, with the first refinery built in Port Harcourt to meet domestic needs and curb overreliance on importation.

“The Nigerian government acquired the refinery by successive increase of shareholding starting at 50% in 1965 and increased to 60% in 1972 and taking up sole ownership by 1978. The name also had a systematic shift from the Nigeria Petroleum Refining Company to NNPC Refinery, Port Harcourt.”

Bassey recalled that three other refineries were set up in response to the growing demand for refined products. They are Warri Refining and Petrochemical Company, with 125,000 barrels per day (bpd) capacity and commissioned in 1978; Kaduna Refining and Petrochemical Company, with 110,000 bpd capacity, commissioned in 1980; and the New Port Harcourt Refinery with 150,000 bpd capacity commissioned in 1989. The total installed capacity of all four refineries was 445,000 bpd.

He said: “By the early 1990s, the military government at the time ordered the NNPC to close all its accounts and transfer them to the Central Bank of Nigeria. This arguably marked the beginning of the downward spiral in the performance of the refineries that once served the local petroleum needs and the contributory feedstock needs of other dependent industries.

“Successive “democratic” governments continued to fan the embers of this unproductive but self-serving arrangement, solidifying it with Bills that followed and passed by cronies hooded in different cloaks. The sad realities in the sector include poor governance, poor or non-existent turn around maintenance for the refineries, industrial-scale oil theft, and even the appointments to offices for political control as seen in having serving presidents appointing themselves as Ministers of Petroleum.”

Bassey noted that the conundrum of dependency on exporting raw crude oil and importing refined products, along with corrupt subsidy regimes, remains intractable to date.

According to the environmentalist, the Dangote Refinery’s 650,000 bpd capacity could boost Nigeria’s refining capacity and meet its domestic petroleum needs. He said that the news that Nigeria, through the NNPC Ltd, would have a 20% share in the refinery raised questions, including why the corporation could not focus on making its own refineries work.

He said: “Now we hear that the 20% investment stymied at 7.2% due to the inability of the supposedly profit-making company to meet its financial obligations on schedule. Before the recent closed-door meetings between the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and the Dangote Refineries, there were insinuations and counter-insinuations suggesting an in-fighting. We hear of disputes over the quality of refined products and issues of whether full approvals have been obtained by the private refinery for it to even commence operations.”

Bassey quoted the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) as saying: “The refiners failed in operational approaches because there are operational standards for crude oil supply. These standards go along with international best practices. The local refiners will not put payment instruments in place as expected. They were not also revising delayed vessels at the right time. They will not fix the vessel to pick up the crude at the right time, or they will bring the wrong vessel specifications. These are operational inefficiencies on the part of the local refiners.”

Reacting to the situation, Bassey said: “It is time for the NNPC to come clear on the questions over the quality of products imported petroleum products as well as those coming out of the Dangote Refinery. Nigerians also deserve to know what volume of shares it holds in the refinery.
“The public deserves clarity about what is also going on with regard to subsidies on imported petroleum products since the purported elimination of subsidies provided one of the planks aiding the economic strangulation of the Nigerian peoples.”

Bassey also demanded a participatory social and environmental audit of all the country’s refineries and put in place environmental management plans to ensure the safety of fence-line communities in Lekki, Port Harcourt, Warri, and Kaduna.

Also, HOMEF’s Fossil Politics Programme Manager Stephen Oduware said: “If anything is clear, it is that there are huge transparency questions over the sectoral regulatory frameworks and that the artificially created complexities orchestrated by the NNPCL have heaped an avoidable burden on the masses.”

HOMEF called on the federal government to ensure the operations of all its refineries and equally activate an audit of the unfolding crisis.

“The government should also ensure a depoliticization of the petroleum sector. Another important step will be to ensure that the president of Nigeria does not double as the head of the Petroleum Resources Ministry.”

NNPCL-Dangote Refineries rift: HOMEF Demands Transparency, Investigation of Claims on Import of Toxic Fuels

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

By: Zagazola Makama

Niamey woke up in the morning of Thursday to disturbing reports of heavy gunfire and explosions around the airport zone an area that hosts Niger’s air force base, the headquarters of the joint Sahel force with Mali and Burkina Faso, and a strategic stockpile of uranium.

For nearly two hours, residents heard detonations, saw flashes in the sky resembling anti-aircraft fire, and reported buildings and vehicles in flames. Calm has since returned, but clarity has not.

At the time of writing, no official statement has fully explained what happened. No group has claimed responsibility. And while authorities insist the situation is under control, the silence leaves space for speculation in a region already on edge.

The location alone makes the event highly sensitive. The Niamey airport zone is not an ordinary district. It is the nerve centre of Niger’s air power and regional military coordination. It also hosts uranium stocks, a strategic resource with both national and international implications.

Any shooting in this area automatically raises three big questions: Was this an external attack, an internal security incident, or a mutiny? Some sources suggest the firing may have come from inside the base, which points to the possibility of an internal breach or unrest. If true, this would indicate deep cracks within Niger’s security architecture.

Was a strategic asset targeted? Even if the uranium was not hit, the fact that fighting occurred near such a site elevates the risk level for Niger and its partners. What does this say about control under the current junta? Since Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani took power, Niger has continued to lose it grip on issues of national security. An incident of this scale in the capital challenges that narrative.

For Nigeria, the situation in Niger is not remote. The two countries share a long, porous border, strong trade ties, and deep security interdependence. If Niger’s capital can experience hours of unexplained gunfire around its most sensitive installations, then cross-border insecurity risks increase. Any weakening of control in Niamey could embolden armed groups across the Sahel, including those operating near Nigeria’s northern frontier.

The Sahel’s security architecture looks more fragile. Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have positioned themselves as a new security bloc after breaking with ECOWAS. Incidents like this brings to the fore about how cohesive and effective that bloc really is. Strategic resources become geopolitical flashpoints. Uranium is not just a Nigerien issue; it has global implications. Any instability around such assets invites international concern and possible pressure.

There is no confirmed evidence yet of a foreign attack, a coup attempt, or a direct operation against uranium. So panic would be premature.
But silence is just as dangerous. In security matters, the absence of clear communication feeds rumours, conspiracy theories and political manipulation. In the Sahel’s volatile environment, that can quickly become destabilising.

What Niamey’s Airport attack means for Niger, West Africa and Sahel

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

By: Zagazola Makama

A major security breach has hit Niger’s capital, Niamey, following a midnight attack on Air Base 101, damaging key military assets and deepening concerns about instability under the junta led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani.

Multiple security sources said explosions were heard around 12:00 a.m. on Wednesday at the strategic air base located near the Diori Hamani International Airport.

The attack reportedly destroyed or disabled several aerial assets, including drones and fixed-wing aircraft, and severely damaged the Unified Force Command Centre.

Four civilian aircraft on the tarmac, including one operated by ASKY Airlines, were also affected, though no passengers were onboard at the time.

Sources said two trucks transporting uranium materials within the base perimeter were hit, but their cargo remained intact, averting a potentially larger disaster.

There were confirmed casualties, with ambulances seen moving in and out of the base area through the night. Some of the attackers were reportedly killed, while others were arrested and taken into custody by Niger’s intelligence services.

However, the identity of those behind the assault remains unclear.

While early speculation pointed to jihadist involvement, no armed group has claimed responsibility. Other security sources told Zagazola that the operation appeared to have been launched from inside the air base, suggesting a possible mutiny rather than an external terrorist strike.

“The pattern of the attack and access to sensitive areas strongly indicate insider involvement,” one regional security analyst said.

The incident has intensified fears that Gen. Tchiani is losing control over key institutions, especially the military, raising serious implications for Niger’s stability and for neighbouring countries, including Nigeria.

Niger plays a critical role in regional security in the Sahel, and any further breakdown of command and control could create new risks for border states already battling terrorism and banditry.

As of the time of filing this report, Niger’s authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

Mysterious attack rocks Niger Air Base in Niamey, raises fears of mutiny

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

A Department of State Services (DSS)’ investigator, on Thursday, told the Federal High Court in Abuja that many of the rescued victims of the 2022 Abuja-Kaduna bound train attack lodged complaints in their office against alleged terrorist negotiator, Tukur Mamu.

The DSS operative, who testified as 6th prosecution witness (PW-6) in the ongoing terrorism trial of Mamu, made the disclosure to Justice Mohammed Umar while being cross-examined by the defence counsel, Johnson Usman, SAN.

The lawyer had asked the witness, who gave his testimony behind a witness screen for security reasons, “to confirm to court if any of the rescue victims, including the wife of the Commandant in Jaji, made any complaint against the defendant to the DSS.”

Responding, the witness said: “Yes, my lord.”

When Usman further asked the witness if the complaint by the rescued victims was either in writing or oral, he said it was in writing.

The DSS’ lawyer, David Kaswe, however, prayed the court to restrain Usman from delving into questions that might touch on the identity of victims or witnesses in the case since the court had granted protection to all.

Responding, Usman told the court that none of the names he called was a witness before the court.

“Even though my lord has granted an order for trial in camera, a trial in camera is not to prejudice the defendant,” he said.

The witness said he interviewed six victims in the course of the investigation.

When he was asked if the six victims were interviewed in the presence of Mamu, the PW-6 responded in the negative.

The witness told the court that he was not a vocologist, having not studied sound in higher institution.

He, however, confirmed that the audio exhibit tendered by the prosecution was the extract of the transcribed audio between Mamu and the terrorists.

When he was asked if he interviewed a former Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor (retd.), he said the army chief was not interviewed.

The witness, however, admitted that General Abdulkadir Abubakar was interviewed in the course of investigation.

“When you interviewed him, was it in the presence of the defendant?” the lawyer asked and he said: “No my lord.”

“Did you interview Sheikh Gumi?” Usman asked and the witness responded in the affirmative.

“Was it in the presence of the defendant?” Usman asked.

“No my lord,” the witness responded.

“Did you interview Major General Idris Garba?”

“No my lord,” the PW-6 said.

“Did you interview General Jalingo?” the lawyer asked, and he said: “Yes, my lord.”

The witness said General Jalingo was not interviewed in Mamu’s presence.

“Finally, did you interviewed Hannafi of Defence Military Intelligence,” the lawyer asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Confirm to court, whether at any time in the course of your investigation, you brought members of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Committee for interview in the presence of the defendant,” Usman asked and the witness responded in the negative.

“Please confirm whether you are aware that the defendant has requested that you brought members of the CDS Committee face to face with him for interview,” the lawyer asked and the witness said: “Yes, he did.”

“Confirm whether the request of the defendant to have the CDS and others involved gathered together for interrogation was granted,” Usman asked, and the witness said:”No, my lord.”

When Usman asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him that he is a publisher of a newspaper and magazine, the witness said: “Yes, he said so.”

When the lawyer asked the witness to confirm that Mamu told him his means of income was derived from his journalism business, the PW-6 said: “Yes, he claimed “

“As investigator, did you investigate this claim,” the lawyer asked.

“Yes, we did,” he responded.

After the cross-examination, Kaswe told the court the prosecution’s intention to close its case.

“So that we can allow the defendant to enter his defence if they are ready,” he said.

But Usman told the court that they would rather apply for a date to open their defence, .

“We will not file a no-case submission so that the world can see it and God can see it all,” he said.

Justice Umar adjourned the matter until April 23 for Mamu to open his defence.

Alleged terrorism: Rescued victims filed complaints against Tukur Mamu- DSS Witness

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