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No Excuse for Violence Against Women – Mohamed M. Fall

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No Excuse for Violence Against Women – Mohamed M. Fall

By: Michael Mike

No cultural practice, tradition, economic, or social pressure can justify the suffering endured by millions of women and girls. Our role is to challenge these harmful narratives.

Gender inequality and violence against women remain among the greatest challenges to sustainable development, not just in Nigeria but globally. According to UN Women, globally, an estimated 736 million women, almost one in three have been subjected to physical and, or sexual intimate partner violence, non-partner sexual violence, or both at least once in their life, which represents 30 per cent of women aged 15 and older. This figure does not include sexual harassment.
Violence against women and girls is a violation of human rights. It undermines the principles of equality, dignity, and respect. This violence takes many forms—physical, emotional, sexual, and economic; and occurs in every part of the world, including Nigeria. From intimate partner violence to harmful traditional practices such as female genital mutilation, trafficking, exploitation, sexual harassment, and assault, the pervasive nature of gender-based violence reflects deep-rooted societal inequalities.
Reports have also established that women who have experienced violence are more likely to suffer from depression, and anxiety disorders with long-lasting dire consequences. The United Nations further captured the situation of gender-based violence globally: “For at least 51,100 women in 2023, the cycle of gender-based violence ended with one final and brutal act—their murder by partners and family members. That means a woman was killed every 10 minutes.”
In Nigeria, violence and harmful practices against women and girls happen every day, and most of the time they are not reported. The Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey in 2018 found that 9 percent of women aged 15 to 49 had suffered sexual assault at least once in their lifetime and 31% had experienced physical violence. Restrictions and implications from the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the gender-based violence (GBV) in the nation.
One of the global initiatives that consistently puts a spotlight on the issue of gender-based violence is the 16 Days of Activism against gender-based violence which starts on 25 November, the International Day For The Elimination Of Violence Against Women and ends on 10 December, the Human Rights Day. This period serves as a crucial platform to raise awareness, mobilize action, and demand an end to all forms of violence against women and girls.
During these 16 Days of Activism, let us not only reflect on the stories of pain but also celebrate the strength, resilience, and courage of women and girls in Nigeria and the rest of the world. Let us honor their voices and commit to a future free from violence. It is a time to reflect on our progress and acknowledge the work that still lies ahead.
“No Excuse. UNiTE to End Violence against Women” is this year’s theme, and according to the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, it means standing with activists around the world who are calling for change and supporting survivors of violence. It is a powerful call to action. It asserts our collective responsibility to ensure that no woman, or girl is subjected to violence in their homes, communities, or workplaces. Violence in any form is never justified, acceptable, or excusable.
It is critical that we unite in our efforts to eliminate violence in all its forms. We must collaborate with governments, civil society, international organizations, and the private sector, to address the root causes of violence. We need to confront the harmful attitudes, stereotypes, and discriminatory norms that perpetuate a culture of violence. It is essential to break the silence and ensure that survivors receive the support and protection they need to rebuild their lives.
There is no excuse for violence against women. No cultural practice, tradition, economic, or social pressure can justify the suffering endured by millions of women and girls. Our role is to challenge these harmful narratives. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that every woman and girl can live free from fear of violence and discrimination. We must create safer environments where women and girls can access education, work, health services, and lead fulfilling lives without fear.
As Nigeria joins the rest of the world to observe the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, I stand with the global community in declaring an urgent truth: There is no excuse for violence against women and girls. This is not a matter for debate; it is a call to immediate action. The United Nations in Nigeria stands firmly against violence in all its forms. We are resolute in our commitment to supporting the Nigerian government and all stakeholders to end gender-based violence.
Our work in Nigeria focuses on strengthening legal frameworks, improving access to justice, and creating awareness to change mindsets and behaviours.
But we cannot do this alone. We need support from everyone: community leaders, religious institutions, educators, and individuals. It is vital to engage men and boys as partners in this fight, encouraging them to speak out against violence, challenge harmful gender norms, and foster respect and equality in their homes and communities.
We must also ensure that survivors of violence have access to the services and resources they need to heal and rebuild their lives. This includes healthcare, legal aid, and counseling services. It is essential to create spaces where survivors can share their stories without fear of retaliation and where their dignity is preserved.
Together, we can unlock the full potential of every Nigerian and build a future where gender equality is not just an aspiration but a reality.
There is no excuse for violence against women. Together, we can make a difference. Together, we can create a world free from violence and discrimination. A world where women can live with diginity and respect.
Mohammed M. Fall, is the United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria. He writes from Abuja.

No Excuse for Violence Against Women – Mohamed M. Fall

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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